Reflection by Rio Grande

Tag: Xiongnu

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 176): Contenders to The Throne

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 15 Scroll 23

    Duration of 12 years

    The Ruins of the Xiongnu’s Court Longcheng(Dragon City), Mongolia

    The 1st year of Emperor Zhao’s Shiyuan Era (86 B.C.)

    In summer, the tribes of twenty-four towns in Yizhou rose in rebellion, numbering more than thirty thousand. The Commandant of Waterways, Lü Bihu, summoned officials and civilians, and drew forth the troops of Qianwei and Shu commanderies to strike them. The rebels were routed, and a great victory was won.

    In July of autumn, a general amnesty was proclaimed throughout the realm.

    Heavy rains endured until October, the waters surged and swept away the bridge upon the Wei River.

    When Emperor Wu first passed away, the new Emperor issued an edict of mourning to all the feudal lords. The Prince of Yan, Liu Dan, on receiving it, declined to wear mourning garb, saying, “The seal-envelope is smaller than before; surely some irregularity has arisen at the capital.” He dispatched his trusted men Shouxi Chang, Sun Zongzhi, Wang Ru, and others to Chang’an, outwardly to inquire into ritual observances, but in truth to spy upon court affairs.

    The Son of Heaven, by decree, sent gracious words and bestowed gifts upon Liu Dan: three hundred thousand coins, with an increase of thirteen thousand households in his fief. Yet Liu Dan waxed wroth, saying, “It is I who should be enthroned as Emperor, not be given trifles.”

    He conspired with his kin, the Prince of Zhongshan, Liu Chang, and Liu Ze, grandson of the Prince of Qi. Together they forged false decrees, alleging the late Emperor Wu having granted them governance and personnel of principalities, urging them to strengthen their armaments and make preparations beyond the ordinary.

    The Gentleman of the Household, Cheng Zhen, admonished Liu Dan, saying, “Your Highness, why idly contend for what is yours by right? You must rise and seize it. When Your Highness raises the standard, even the women of the realm will rally to your cause.”

    Thus Liu Dan entered into a secret covenant with Liu Ze, and together they composed a false proclamation to be spread abroad, declaring, “The young sovereign is no true son of Emperor Wu, but one foisted upon the throne by ministers. Let the whole realm rise together and strike him down!” Thereupon emissaries were dispatched to the provinces, sowing sedition among the people.

    Liu Ze plotted to raise troops and march upon Linzi, intending to slay the Inspector of Qingzhou, Juan Buyi. Liu Dan gathered disloyal men from the provinces, amassed copper and iron to forge armor, conducted wapenshaws of his horsemen, chariots and infantry officers, and held great hunts to drill his soldiers, awaiting the appointed day.

    The Palace Gentleman Han Yi and others often remonstrated with him, but Liu Dan grew wrathful, and slew fifteen men, Han Yi among them.

    At that time, the Marquis of Ping, Liu Cheng, discerned Liu Ze’s treachery and secretly informed Juan Buyi. In August, Juan Buyi seized Liu Ze and his accomplices, and reported the matter to the throne.

    The Son of Heaven dispatched the Associate Grand Herald to investigate, and summoned the Prince of Yan. By edict it was declared: “The Prince of Yan, being of close kin, shall be spared punishment.” Liu Ze and his followers were executed. Juan Buyi was promoted to Intendant of the Jingzhao(the Capital).

    Juan Buyi, as Intendant of the Jingzhao, was held in reverence by both officials and the people. Whenever he went forth to circuit the counties or to review the prisons, his mother would inquire of him, saying, “Have you redressed any wrongs? How many have been acquitted?”

    Whenever Juan Buyi overturned false judgments, his mother rejoiced greatly, her countenance more radiant than at other times. But if no injustices were set right, she grew wrathful and refused food. Thus Juan Buyi, in office, was stern yet not harsh, severe yet not cruel, ever weighing fairness in his judgments.

    On September 2, Marquis Jing of Du, Jīn Mìdī, passed away. Earlier, when Emperor Wu lay ill, a testamentary decree had ordered that Jīn Mìdī be enfeoffed as Marquis of Du, Shangguan Jie as Marquis of Anyang, and Huo Guang as Marquis of Bolu, in recognition of their merits in subduing rebels such as Ma Heluo. Yet Jīn Mìdī, considering the tender age of the new Emperor, declined the title; Huo Guang and the others likewise did not dare to accept.

    When Jīn Mìdī was stricken with grave illness, Huo Guang memorialized that he should be ennobled. As Jīn Mìdī lay upon his bed, the seal and ribbon were brought to him; he received them, but died that very day.

    His two sons, Jin Shang and Jin Jian, both served as attendants to the new Emperor, being of near equal age.  They slept and ate together. Jin Shang was appointed Commandant of the Imperial Chariot, and Jin Jian Commandant of the Imperial Cavalry.

    After Jin Shang inherited his father’s marquisate, he bore two ribbons. The Emperor said to General Huo Guang, “The two brothers of the Jīn clan—should both of them wear two ribbons?”

    Huo Guang replied, “Jin Shang inherited his father’s marquisate, thus he wears one ribbon more.”

    The Emperor smiled, saying, “But is not the granting of titles a matter between you and me, General?”

    Huo Guang answered, “It was the decree of the late Emperor, that titles be bestowed according to merit.” Thus the matter was put to rest.

    In the intercalary month of October, the former Minister of Justice, Wang Ping, and others were dispatched, bearing the imperial sceptre, to make circuits through the provinces, to seek out men of virtue, to hear the grievances of the people, and to rectify cases of injustice and incompetence.

    That winter was unseasonably warm, and no ice was formed.

    The 2nd year of Emperor Zhao’s Shiyuan Era (85 B.C.)

    In January of spring, General Huo Guang was enfeoffed as Marquis of Bolu, and General Shangguan Jie as Marquis of Anyang.

    There were those who admonished Huo Guang, saying: “General, have you not observed the fate of the partisans of the Lü clan? Though they held the offices of Yi Yin and the Duke of Zhou, they grasped the reins of state alone, monopolized power, slighted the imperial clan, and shared not their duties with others. Thus the trust of the realm was lost, and ruin swiftly came upon them.

    “Now you stand in a position of utmost weight, while the Emperor grows toward maturity. It is meet and right that you draw in the scions of the imperial house, confer with ministers, and reverse the ways of the Lü faction, so that calamity may be averted.”

    Huo Guang assented to this counsel. He therefore summoned worthy men of the imperial clan, and appointed Liu Piqiang, grandson of Prince Yuan of Chu(Liu Jiao), and Liu Changle, of the imperial lineage, as Grand Master of Chamberlain. Liu Piqiang was further made Commandant of the Changle Palace Guard.

    In March, envoys were dispatched to extend loans and relief to the poor who lacked seed grain and sustenance.

    In August of autumn, an edict was issued, declaring: “In previous couple of years, calamities have been many. This year, the mulberry and wheat production suffers greatly. Let the loans and relief granted for seed and food not be repaid, and let the people be exempt from this year’s land tax.”

    In earlier times, Emperor Wu had pursued the Xiongnu without respite for more than twenty years, whereby the Xiongnu suffered grievous losses in horses, livestock, and populace. The foaling of horses and calving of cattle declined sharply, and the Xiongnu were sorely troubled by the failing of their herds. Ever did they yearn for peace, yet no settlement was achieved.

    The Chanyu Hulugu had a younger half-brother of the same father, who served as Left Grand Commandant, a man of talent and greatly esteemed among the people. But Hulugu’s mother, Zhuanqu Yanzhi, feared her son would be set aside and the younger brother chosen as heir. She therefore caused him to be secretly slain.

    An elder brother of the Left Grand Commandant, born of the same mother, nourished hatred in his heart and refused to attend the Chanyu’s court.

    In that year, the Chanyu fell gravely ill and neared death. He spoke to the nobles, saying: “My sons are yet young and cannot rule the state. I would appoint my brother, the Right Luli King, to succeed me as Chanyu.”

    When the Chanyu died, Wei Lü and others conspired with Zhuanqu Yanzhi to conceal the news. They forged a decree in the Chanyu’s name, and set up her son, the Left Luli King, as the new Chanyu, taking the title Huyandi.

    The Left Tuqi King and the Right Luli King bore anger and resentment. With their followers, they resolved to march south and surrender to the Han. Fearing they could not accomplish this alone, they compelled King Lutu to defect with them to the Western Wusun.

    King Lutu revealed their plot to the Chanyu. The Chanyu sent envoys to question them, but the Left Luli King refused obedience, and in turn accused King Lutu of treason. The people bewailed the injustice.

    Thereafter, the two princes departed, each establishing his own dwelling, and no longer appeared at the Chanyu’s court–Longcheng, where deities were worshiped. From this time, the power of the Xiongnu waned.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 153): Crash Landing of The Flying General

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 11 Scroll 19 (continued)

    Khentii(Langjuxu) Mountains, Mongolia

    The 4th year of Emperor Wu’s Yuanshou Era (119 B.C. continued)

    The Emperor discussed with his generals, “The Marquis of Xi, Zhao Xin, often plans on behalf of the Xiongnu. He believes that the Han forces cannot cross the desert quickly and will less likely linger. Now, with the massive mobilization of soldiers, we are sure to get what we desire.” Therefore provisions for 100,000 grain-fed horses were prepared. The Grand General, Wei Qing, and the General of Agile Cavalry, Huo Qubing, each led 50,000 cavalry.  Additionally they had 40,000 extra horses for private provisioning. Also, hundreds of thousands of infantry and supply porters followed behind the cavalry, and the daring and skilled warriors were all under the command of the General of Agile Cavalry Huo Qubing.

    The General of Agile Cavalry planned to cross the border from Dingxiang to face the Xiongnu Chanyu. Captured prisoners informed that the Chanyu had moved east. Subsequently, the General of Agile Cavalry was ordered to exit passes in Dai Commandery, while the Grand General Wei Qing went out of Dingxiang. Chamberlain, Li Guang, repeatedly requested to join the expedition. The Emperor initially refused due to his age, but eventually allowed him to be General of the Front. The Grand Coachman, Gongsun He, was appointed as the General of the Left, the Commandant of Title Ranking, Zhao Yi’ji, as the General of the Right, and Marquis Pingyang, Cao Rang, as the General of the Rear, all under the command of the Grand General. Zhao Xin, said to the Chanyu on strategy, “Once the Han forces have crossed the desert and exhausted their men and horses, the Xiongnu can easily take them prisoners.” Therefore, he sent his supply train far north and positioned elite troops to wait for the Han forces to the north of the desert.

    The Grand General Wei Qing, having advanced beyond the borders, captured a prisoner who knew the whereabouts of the Chanyu. Taking his elite troops, he went forth, while instructing the  General of the Front Li Guang to rendezvous with the forces of the General of the Right Zhao Yi’ji and proceed through the eastern route. The eastern path was circuitous, distant and lacked sufficient water and grass. Li Guang pleaded, “I am supposed to be the General of the Front and the vanguard, yet now the Grand General commands me to take the eastern path. I’ve fought the Xiongnu since adolescence, and now that I have the chance to confront the Chanyu, I wish to be in the front, to face the Chanyu first and duel with him.”

    The Grand General, aware of the private warning from the Emperor, “Li Guang is old and unlucky. It’s better not to let him confront the Chanyu because I am afraid that he might not accomplish what we want, the capture of Chanyu.” Additionally, the Grand General wished to send Gongsun Ao, recently demoted from his marquis status, to confront the Chanyu to earn merit credit, hence the transfer of the General of the Front Li Guang to the east. Li Guang, upon learning this, staunchly appealed to the Grand General. The Grand General stuck to his decision, Li Guang, without formal farewell, rose and departed, filled with deep resentment.

    The Grand General marched beyond the borders for over a thousand li, and crossing the Gobi desert, he saw the Chanyu’s forces arrayed and waiting. Thus, the Grand General ordered heavy chariots to encircle and create a camp, and then unleashed five thousand cavalry to confront the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu, in turn, released about ten thousand cavalry. As they were about to engage near sunset, a fierce wind stirred up sand and pebbles, obstructing visibility between the two armies. Taking advantage of this, the Han forces extended their left and right wings to encircle the Chanyu in a pincer maneuver.

    Assessing that the Han forces were numerous and the soldiers and horses were still robust, the Chanyu reckoned that he couldn’t contend with the Han forces in battle. Consequently, the Chanyu, riding on a team of six swift mules, accompanied by a few hundred sturdy riders, broke through the Han encirclement and fled swiftly to the northwest. It was already dusk, and both the Han and Xiongnu forces suffered about equal amounts of casualties and engaged in heavy fighting. A Xiongnu captive caught by the left wing Colonel confessed that the Chanyu had taken cover of the darkness and departed earlier. The Han troops, dispatching light cavalry, pursued the Chanyu through the night. The army of the Grand General followed behind. The Xiongnu forces were in disarray and dispersed. By dawn, having traveled over two hundred li, they failed to capture the Chanyu. Nevertheless, they seized and beheaded nine thousand enemy soldiers and reached the Tianyan Mountains and the City garrisoned by Zhao Xin, where they found the Xiongnu‘s stocked grain and replenished supplies for the Han army. They stayed for a day, burned the remaining grain in the city, and then returned.

    The General of the Front Li Guang, along with the General of the Right Zhao Yi’ji, lost their way due to a lack of local guide, which led to their arrival late for the battle against the Chanyu, missing the rendezvous with Grand General. As the Grand General returned and passed by the southern desert, he encountered the two generals. The Grand General instructed his chief of staff to question Li Guang and Zhao Yi’ji regarding their lost way, summoning Li Guang to the headquarter to file a report.

    Li Guang said, “The ranking colonels and captains are not at fault; it was my own mistake in losing the way. I will present myself to the headquarters before the higher authorities to account for my actions.”

    Li Guang then spoke to his subordinates, saying, “I have engaged in more than seventy battles with the Xiongnu, large and small, since I was sixteen. Today, I was fortunate to follow the Grand General to face the Chanyu’s forces. The Grand General transferred my command to the east route, and I lost my way. Isn’t this the will of heaven? Anyway, I am over sixty years old and do not want to face the scrutiny of bureaucratic officials anymore!” He then drew his sword and took his own life.

    Li Guang was known for his honesty and integrity; he would share rewards and gifts received with his subordinates and shared meals and drinks with his soldiers. He held the position of 2000 picul salary for over forty years, yet his family had no surplus wealth. He had long and strong arms like a gorilla and was skilled in archery; whenever he drew his bow, he wouldn’t shoot if he was not sure to hit the target. In places where there was a shortage of water, Li Guang refrained from drinking until all his soldiers had drunk enough. Similarly, when food was scarce, he abstained from eating until all his soldiers had been fed. His soldiers cherished and respected him for these reasons. Upon his death, the entire army sobbed in mourning.

    When news of his death reached the common people, regardless of whether they knew him personally or not, tears were shed by the old and young alike. However, the General of the Right, Zhao Yi’ji, being held accountable by the authorities, faced death but was pardoned and relegated to a commoner.

    After the Chanyu’s escape, his troops frequently scattered and followed him, causing disorder whenever they encountered the Han forces. For a long time, the Chanyu didn’t reunite with the majority of his forces. The Right Luli King assumed the Chanyu was dead and proclaimed himself as the new Chanyu. However, after around ten days, the real Chanyu emerged to regain his followers, causing the Right Luli King to abandon his claim to the Chanyu’s title.

    The General of the Agile Cavalry, with an equal number of cavalry and heavy chariots, had equivalent military strength to the Grand General’s forces but lacked subordinate generals. Li Gan [a son of Li Guang] and others were appointed as senior colonels, acting as his lieutenants. They traveled over two thousand li, crossing the Dai and Youbeiping, traversing the great Gobi desert, and directly confronted the east division of Xiongnu’s troops. They captured three junior kings including the Prince of Tuntou, the king of Han, and eighty-three military and civil officers, including generals, ministers, chiefs and commandants. They ascended Khentii Mountains (Langjuxu Mountain) to worship the heavens, offered sacrifices at Guyan Mountain to the earth, and reached Lake Baikal (Hanhai). They captured 74443 prisoners. 

    The Emperor increased the fiefdom of the General of the Agile Cavalry by 5,800 households. He also granted titles to four individuals, including the Youbeiping Prefect Lu Bode, and augmented the households of two marquises, including Marquis of Congbiao, Zhao Puonu, and appointed Senior Colonel Li Gan, as the Marquis within Passes with a fief. Many military officers and soldiers received official positions, rewards, and honors. However, the Grand General did not receive an increase in his fiefdom, and none of his military officers or soldiers were granted noble titles.

    When the two armies departed beyond the border passes, the tally of official and privately-owned horses amounted to a total of 140,000 horses. However, upon their return within the borders, the number of horses did not exceed 30,000.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 144): Meteor Rise And Spread of Grace

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 10 Scroll 18 (continued)

    Maoling Mausoleum Museum, Shaanxi Province

    The 1st year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’shuo Era (128 B.C. continued)

    Zhufu Yan, Yan An of Linzi, and Xu Le of Wuzhong each submitted memorials to the court.

    In his early years, Zhufu Yan journeyed through the principalities of Qi, Yan, and Zhao, seeking patronage, yet was met with disdain by the local scholars and found no means of livelihood. Thus he traveled west to the capital and presented a memorial at the palace gates. The memorial set forth nine proposals; of these, eight were later enacted as law. The remaining point, concerning the campaign against the Xiongnu, read as follows:

    “The Methods of the Sima(Rangju) states: ‘A state obsessed with warfare, however vast, shall surely perish; a realm at peace, if unmindful of arms, shall fall into peril.’ Fervor stands in opposition to virtue; war is a weapon of destruction; contention is not essential to good governance. Those who pursue nothing but military triumph and are consumed by warfare shall, in the end, rue their endeavors.

    “In the past, the First Emperor of Qin annexed the feudal states and strove endlessly for military conquest. He intended to attack the Xiongnu. Yet Li Si remonstrated with him, saying: ‘This must not be done. The Xiongnu possess no settled cities, no granaries or storehouses. They dwell in constant movement, like migratory birds. To conquer them is no easy task. Should Your Majesty send troops deep into their territory, the supply lines will break. If the soldiers carry their provisions, the weight of the rations will far exceed the gains of the expedition. Their land is of little use to us; their people cannot be governed. To defeat them would necessitate their extermination—this is not the way of a ruler who acts as the parent of his people. The campaign will impoverish the Central States and bring satisfaction only to the Xiongnu. This is no strategy for the long term.’

    “The First Emperor heeded him not, but instead dispatched Meng Tian with a great army against the Xiongnu. The borders were extended by over a thousand li, and the Yellow River was set as the frontier. Yet the new territory was mired in swamps and salt marshes, unfit for the cultivation of the Five Grains. Troops were garrisoned north of the Yellow River for over a decade, exposed to the elements and suffering grievous losses. They could not press further, not for want of men or arms, but because the terrain was ill-suited to their aims. The empire was compelled to transport grain from the eastern coasts of Langya and the heartlands near Bohai Sea. One picul of grain came at the cost of thirty zhong [480 bushel]. Men toiled in the fields without rest, yet it did not suffice to feed the army. Women spun thread without ceasing, yet could not meet the demand for tents. The campaign beggared the realm. The old, the widowed, the orphaned, the frail—all were left to fend for themselves. The roads lay strewn with corpses. It was then that rebellion swept across the land, and the Qin fell.”

    “When Emperor Gaozu of Han rose and unified the realm, he too sought to expand the frontiers. Learning that the Xiongnu had gathered beyond Dai Valley, he resolved to strike them. The Imperial Censor Cheng Jin submitted counsel: ‘This must not be done. The Xiongnu are like wild beasts—when they gather, they disperse again. To contend with them is like grasping at shadows. Your Majesty, though you possess great virtue, would be ill-served by confronting them in open war. I beg you to reconsider.’

    “But Emperor Gaozu did not accept the remonstrance, and marched north to Dai Valley, where he was eventually besieged at Pingcheng. He repented too late. Thereafter, Liu Jing was dispatched to make peace with the Xiongnu, and only then was tranquility restored to the realm.

    “The Xiongnu are not a people to be subdued in one generation. Their customs, rooted in pillage and foray, are innate and enduring. From the time of Yu the Great through dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou, none have ever taxed them or ruled over them. We have regarded them as beasts, not subjects. If now, Your Majesty does not follow the example of the sages of antiquity, but instead repeats the missteps of the recent past, I fear this will be the root of great sorrow for the people.”

    Yan An submitted a memorandum, stating:

    “Today, the people of the realm revel in extravagance. They vie to outdo one another in adorning carriages and steeds, in donning furs and silks, in the construction of opulent mansions. They attune the five musical tones to perfect harmony, blend the five colors to dazzle the eye, and obsess over the five flavors laid upon their tables. Such displays are now held as the ideal throughout the land. When the people behold what is beautiful, they aspire to it; thus, without intent, the state instructs the people in excess.

    “But unchecked luxury is unsustainable. When people abandon their roots in pursuit of the superficial, their foundations are lost. The fleeting adornments of wealth corrupt the heart. Thus, those clad in official robes resort to fraud without shame, and those who bear arms speak proudly of killing, that they might plunder the property of others. The realm grows envious of wrongdoers who escape justice; and so, lawbreakers multiply.

    “I humbly propose the establishment of a systematic order to restrain such tendencies—to prevent indulgence, to temper the ostentatious swaggers by the wealthy, to bring repose to the people’s minds. When the heart is at peace, theft and robbery decline, punishment diminishes, harmony prevails, and all things flourish.

    “In former times, the First Emperor of Qin harbored vast ambitions. Wishing to awe distant lands, he dispatched Meng Tian north to contend with the Xiongnu, and sent  Commandant Tu Sui to lead the navy ships to strike the Yue through the waterway. Thus Qin found itself imperiled on two fronts—north by the Xiongnu, south by the Yue. The armies were stationed in barren lands, compelled to advance without hope of retreat. For more than ten years, men were conscripted without rest, and women were driven to labor in transport, enduring boundless hardship. The roads were lined with the bodies of the hanged; corpses littered every path. Upon the death of the First Emperor, rebellion swept the empire, and the Qin perished—brought low by its own excess of militarism.

    “The Zhou House fell for its weakness; the Qin, for its excess of force. Both succumbed to the same ailment: the failure to adapt.

    “Now, as we pursue the Western Barbarians, lure Yelang to show fealty, subdue the Qiang and Bo tribes, press into Yemaek, raise colonial cities, and march deep into  the Xiongnu and torch its capital, there are those who celebrate such exploits. Yet these are not the strategies of enduring rule, but rather the ambitions of those who serve within the court.”

    Xu Le submitted a memorandum, stating:

    “Your servant has heard it said: the peril of a state lies not in the collapse of its roof, but in the crumbling of its foundations. This principle has held true from ancient times to the present day.

    “What is meant by the crumbling of foundations? Consider the fall of the Qin. Chen Sheng, though neither a lord commanding ten thousand chariots, nor master of a fief, held no noble title, bore no illustrious lineage. He was not famed like Confucius, Zengzi, or Mozi, nor wealthy like Mr. Taozhu[Fan Li] and Yi Dun. Yet, from lowly station, he rose—gathering the impoverished, giving voice to their anguish, and winning the hearts of the people. How did this happen? It was because the plight of the people went unheard by the rulers, the grievances of the lowly went unseen, and the decay of morals went uncorrected. These three ills became Chen Sheng’s strength and Qin’s undoing. Thus it is said: the peril of a nation lies in the collapse of its foundations.

    “And what is meant by the disintegration of the roof? This refers to the insurrection of the principalities of Wu, Chu, Qi, and Zhao. The seven princes rose in concerted rebellion, each a sovereign in his own right, commanding ten thousand chariots and myriad troops, possessing fortified cities, ample wealth, and strong soldiers. Yet none could advance westward; all were crushed in the heartland. Why? Not because their power was less than Chen Sheng’s, nor their military forces were weaker. Rather, the virtue of the reigning emperor had not yet decayed, and the common people remained accustomed to the order he preserved. Thus the monarchs found no support among the people. This is what is called the disintegration of the roof. Therefore, it is said: the peril of a nation lies not in disintegration.

    “These two cases mark the distinction between safety and peril. It is the duty of the enlightened ruler to grasp their essence with clarity and foresight.

    “Now, in recent years, the eastern provinces have suffered poor harvests. The people struggle under growing hardship. Add to this the strain of border campaigns, and by all signs and measures, their burdens grow ever heavier. Where hardship accumulates, unrest follows. Where unrest festers, the foundations begin to crack. This, too, is a sign of the foundation collapsing.

    “Therefore, a wise sovereign must perceive the hidden stirrings of change before they become manifest, discern the fragile threshold between order and disorder, and rectify the upper echelons of governance so as to avert the faintest sign of foundational crumbling.”

    Upon reading their memorials, the Emperor summoned the three men to court. He sighed deeply and said, “Where have you been until now? It is a sorrow that we have not met earlier.” He thereupon appointed them as Gentlemen-in-waiting.

    Of the three, Zhufu Yan soon gained great favor. Within a single year, he was promoted four times and rose to become Grandee of the Palace. Bold in speech and sharp in counsel, he struck fear into the hearts of other ministers. Many, seeking to shield themselves from his censure, sent him bribes worth thousands in gold.

    When someone accused him of audacity and overreach, Zhufu Yan replied, “If I cannot feast on delicacies served from five tripod cauldrons in the rites of state, then I would rather be boiled alive in those same five cauldrons!”

    The 2nd year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’shuo Era (127 B.C.)

    In the winter season, the Emperor conferred upon the Prince of Huainan a cane and a tea table, and granted him exemption from court attendance.

    Zhufu Yan memorialized the throne, saying:

    “In high antiquity, the feudal lords governed domains no greater than one hundred li in breadth, their power restrained, their authority easily checked. Now, the princes command multiple cities across distances spanning thousands of li. When treated with leniency, they grow haughty and indulgent, giving rise to disorder. Yet when swift and severe action is taken, they may form an alliance in rebellion, threatening the capital itself.

    “To reduce their strength by law invites peril, as was the case with Chao Cuo, who met his end through such means. At present, many of the lords have a dozen sons or more. Yet only the heir-apparent(the eldest legitimate son) receives the fief, while the rest—though of the same blood—are left without land or title. Thus, filial affection and fraternal harmony do not extend far and apparent.

    “I respectfully request that Your Majesty allow the feudal lords to bestow favor around and assign land to their other legatees, granting them titles and territories. This will bring great joy to each individual as they satisfy their desires. By spreading the grace and dividing the land justly, the central authority will be strengthened without taking away from the monarchs, the principalities will be gradually weakened without the appearance of diminution.”

    The Emperor approved this counsel.

    In January of spring, an edict(Spread of Grace) was proclaimed: “Those among the princes who wish to bestow lands upon their non-heir sons shall submit petitions for imperial review. We shall personally confer their titles and determine their ranks.”

    Henceforth began the division of fiefs within the vassal domains, and the younger sons received marquisates by inheritance.

    The Xiongnu invaded Shanggu and Yuyang, killing and capturing more than one thousand officials and commoners. In response, the Sovereign dispatched Generals Wei Qing and Li Xi, who set out from Yunzhong westward to Longxi, and thereupon launched an assault against the Xiongnu chieftains, the King of Loufan and the King of Baiyang, south of the Yellow River. They captured several thousand Xiongnu people, seized over a million head of cattle and sheep, and, driving away the Kings of Loufan and Baiyang, occupied the lands south of the Yellow River.

    For this, the Emperor conferred upon Wei Qing the title of Marquis of Changping. His subordinates, Colonels Su Jian and Zhang Cigong, also rendered distinguished service. Su Jian was ennobled as Marquis of Pingling, and Zhang Cigong as Marquis of Antou.

    Zhufu Yan memorialized the Emperor: “The land south of the Yellow River is fertile and well shielded by the river’s natural barrier. If cities are built there to repel the Xiongnu, and the transport of provisions is maintained steadily within, the Middle Kingdom will expand, and the strongholds of the Xiongnu shall be annihilated.”

    When deliberated upon in court, most officials opposed the measure. Yet the Emperor ultimately accepted Zhufu Yan’s proposal and established Shuofang Commandery. Su Jian was ordered to lead over one hundred thousand men to construct the city of Shuofang, repairing and expanding the old fortifications built by Meng Tian in the Qin era, and reinforcing them along the Yellow River.

    The undertaking strained the realm’s resources. The people to the east of the Xiao Mountains bore the brunt of the burden, and the labor and transport depleted the granaries. The expenses ran into tens and hundreds of millions, draining the imperial treasury. Moreover, the distant and exposed Zaoyang County in Shanggu, protruding into the wilderness like a pan-handle, was relinquished and left to the Xiongnu.

    On March 30, there was an eclipse.

    In the summer, the court relocated one hundred thousand settlers to Shuofang.

    Zhufu Yan again offered counsel: “Now that the mausoleum of Maoling has been established, let the influential households, as well as the unruly and the defiant from all regions, be relocated there. In this way, the capital will be fortified in strength, while disruptive elements are removed without the shedding of blood.”

    The Emperor approved. Those tycoons whose net worth surpassed three million coins from various commanderies and principalities were thereafter resettled in Maoling.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 139): The Farce at Ma’yi

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 10 Scroll 18

    Duration of 9 years

    Ambush at Ma’yi

    The 2nd year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (133 B.C.)

    In October of winter, the Emperor traveled to Yong county and offered sacrifices at the Altars for Five Deities.

    An occultist known as Li Shaojun was granted an audience with the Emperor, for being able to reverse aging by worshiping the kitchen god. The Emperor highly respected him. Li Shaojun, formerly an attendant of the Marquis of Shenze, Zhao Xiu, concealed his age and upbringing. He traveled widely among the feudal lords without revealing any information about his life, He seemed to have no spouse and child. He was known for his ability to influence material goods, longevity, and claimed to possess knowledge of beings who won’t die. People donated food and money to him, so he had a surplus of wealth. People believed him even more when they witnessed that he didn’t engage in regular occupations yet lived in abundance. They vied to serve him and provided him with offerings, including money, clothing, and food.

    Li Shaojun was good at making surprising predictions that later were proved to be true. Once, Li Shaojun joined a gathering with Marquis Wu’an(Tian Fen) for a drink. Being present at  the gathering, there was an old man who was more than ninety years old. Li Shaojun spoke about a place where he used to go hunting with the old man’s grandfather. To everyone’s astonishment, the elderly man recognized that place, having accompanied his grandfather there during his childhood.

    Li Shaojun told the Emperor: “When one makes offerings to the kitchen deity, it attracts spiritual beings. By connecting with these spiritual beings, one can transform cinnabar into gold, extend his life, and even encounter the Immortals of Penglai. If one meets these Immortals and performs the Feng-Shan ceremony[worship of Heaven and Earth at Mount Tai], one will attain immortality. This is what happened to the Yellow Emperor.”

    “Once, I traveled to the sea and encountered Anqi Sheng, an Immortal. He shared jujubes with me, each as big as a melon. Anqi Sheng is a being of great enlightenment, capable of traveling through the realm of Penglai. When one is in harmony with him, one can see him. When one is not, he remains hidden.”

    As a result, the Emperor began to personally perform sacrifices to the kitchen god, and he sent occultists to search the sea for islands like Penglai and demigods like Anqi Sheng. They also embarked on efforts to transmute cinnabar sand into gold. After some time, Li Shaojun became seriously ill and passed away. The Emperor believed that he had undergone a transformation and not actually died. However, many occultists(necromancers and alchemists, etc.) along the coasts of Yan and Qi came to the Emperor and talked about gods and spirits.

    Miu Ji of Bo raised awareness about the offering to Taiyi(North Star). He said, “The most revered heavenly deity is Taiyi, and Taiyi is assisted by the Five Deities.” Following this, the Emperor established the altar to Taiyi at the southeast outskirts of Chang’an.

    Nie Yi, a wealthy man from Ma’yi County of Yanmen Commandery, suggested a plan, through the Grand Herald Wang Hui, to lure the Xiongnu through the strategy of feigned friendship and then launch a surprise attack. The Emperor consulted with his ministers, and Wang Hui said, “I’ve heard that the state of Dai, when it was a sovereign state, had a formidable enemy in the north, and yet maintained vigilance against internal warfare of the middle kingdoms. At that time, their elderly and the young were still well taken care of, trees were planted at the right time, and the granaries were always full. This made the Xiongnu hesitant to invade. Now, Your Majesty’s power unifies the entire nation. However, the incessant Xiongnu incursions are because they no longer fear us. I believe that we should launch an attack.”

    Han Anguo disagreed, stating, “I’ve heard that Emperor Gaozu once was besieged in Pingcheng and ran out of food for seven days. After lifting the siege, he showed no sign of hatred and revenge. A wise ruler measures the entire world, not harboring personal resentment that harms the interests of the people. That’s why he sent Liu Jing to negotiate peace with the marriage agreement, and to this day, we’ve enjoyed five generations of benefits. I believe that we shouldn’t attack.”

    Wang Hui argued, “That’s not the case. Emperor Gaozu, wearing armor and wielding sharp weapons, had gone through wars for decades. He didn’t seek vengeance for the grudge at Pingcheng not because he didn’t have the strength, But he aimed at calming the hearts of the people and giving people a respite from incessant wars. Nowadays, frequent border alarms, injured soldiers, and the sight of hearses come one after another. A benevolent person should be sad about this. That’s why I say we should attack.”

    Han Anguo said, “I disagree. I’ve heard that in military affairs, you should keep our forces with satiety versus an enemy who is hungry, to maintain order versus an enemy who is in chaos, and to keep our forces well rested versus an enemy who is exhausted. By keeping our forces well-provisioned and disciplined, we can conquer enemy armies, destroy their countries, and capture their cities. This is the way of warfare advocated by wise leaders. Currently, the plan to swiftly deploy is unwise, and the depth of our invasion is difficult to execute. Rushing in a long column would lead to side ambushes, while marching in parallel would lead to less reinforcement. Moving too fast leads to supply shortage.  Procrastinating leads to missed opportunities. In less than a thousand miles, we would run out of food. The horses and men would be starved, and the ancient law says, ‘Sending troops far away, and you let them be captured.’ That’s why I say we shouldn’t attack.”

    Wang Hui countered, “That’s not the case. When I suggest attacking, it doesn’t mean an all-out invasion. We will go along with the greed of the Chanyu and lure him to our borders. Then, we’ll select elite cavalry and strong warriors to lay in ambush. We’ll examine the difficult terrains and use them as strategic positions for attacking the enemy. We’ll have our forces established and stationed to encircle him. Once ready, we’ll block him from the left, the right, the front, and the back. We can capture the Chanyu, and a complete victory is inevitable.” 

    The Emperor agreed with Wang Hui‘s plan.

    In June of summer, The Emperor appointed Han Anguo, the Grand Master of Censerate, as the General Guards the Army, Commandant of the Court Guard–Li Guang, as the General of Agile Cavalry, the Grand Coachman, Gongsun He, as the General of Light Chariots, the Grand Usher Wang Hui as the General of Stationed Troops, and Grandee of Palace Li Xi as the General of Infantry. These generals were tasked with leading over 300,000 cavalry, chariots and infantry to hide in the valley near Ma’yi, preparing to ambush the Xiongnu. They secretly made a plan to launch an attack as soon as  the Xiongnu entered Ma’yi.

    They also sent Nie Yi as a double agent to the Xiongnu, promising to deliver the surrender of Ma’yi and the capture of its officials. Nie Yi executed criminals and placed their heads under the walls of Ma’yi. Nie Yi sent a message to the Xiongnu emissary: “The officials of Ma’yi were dead. Come soon!”  Xiongnu Chanyu led his forces and crossed the border into the Wuzhou Pass. However, as they advanced, they encountered empty pastures without anyone herding livestock. They continued to advance and reached a garrison where they captured a staff of Commandant of Yanmen.  The captive told the Chanyu where the Han forces were positioned as they were about to execute him.

    Surprised by this revelation, Xiongnu Chanyu exclaimed, “I had my suspicions!” and decided to retreat. He considered the capture of the Han staff officer as divine revelation, and named him “the king of heaven”.

    News of the Xiongnu‘s retreat reached the Han forces, who stopped their pursuit. Wang Hui led a separate unit to attack the Xiongnu‘s baggage train but also retreated when they heard that the chieftain had returned and its force was strong.

    The Emperor was furious with Wang Hui. Wang Hui argued: “Initially, the plan was to lure the Xiongnu into Ma’yi and engage them in a battle. Simultaneously, I was to attack their supply train, hoping to gain an advantage. However, when the Xiongnu chieftain did not arrive and instead retreated, my 30,000 soldiers were no-match to Chanyu’s large forces and an attack would add insult to injury.  I decided to return to Ma’yi and face beheading. At least I preserved the lives of 30,000 soldiers for Your Majesty.” Nevertheless, Wang Hui‘s case was brought before the Minister of Justice. The Justice Minister ruled that Wang Hui wavered and missed the opportunity, and sentenced him to death.

    Wang Hui bribed the Chancellor Tian Fen with a thousand caddies of gold. Tian Fen didn’t dare to speak to The Emperor directly. Instead, he shared his opinion with the Empress Dowager, his elder sister. The Empress Dowager, in turn, informed the Emperor of Tian Fen‘s concerns: “Wang Hui was the proponent of the battle of Ma’yi.  If we kill Wang Hui for failure to capture Chanyu, we are doing the bidding of the Xiongnu.” 

    The Emperor responded: “Wang Hui had been the one who initiated the campaign, and his actions had led to the mobilization of a large army. Even though their main objective was not achieved, Wang Hui‘s attack on the Xiongnu‘s baggage train would have helped to soothe the discontent among the soldiers and the gentry. Without punishing Wang Hui, I would not be able to appease the rest of the empire.” Wang Hui heard the verdict and committed suicide.

    Thereafter, the Xiongnu broke off the marriage alliance, assailed the frontier passes, and made frequent incursions into the Han territory, their raids beyond number. Yet they remained covetous of the border markets, delighting in trade and craving the Han goods. The Han people, too, kept the markets open, thereby meeting their needs.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 116): Play off One Barbarian Against Another

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 7 Scroll 15

    Duration of 15 years

    Didao, a.k.a. Lintiao, Gansu Province

    The 11th year of the Emperor Wen of Early Era (169 B.C.)

    In November of winter, the Emperor traveled to the principality of Dai, returning to the capital in January of spring.

    In June, during the summer, Prince Huai of Liang, Liu Yi, died without an heir. Jia Yi once again presented a memorial to the Emperor:

    “If your Majesty does not establish a clear policy on the vassal states now, the situation will continue to worsen. The principalities, with only one or two generations of succession, act independently and are not constrained by the central court. As they grow stronger and more assertive, the laws of Han will no longer be enforced. Your Majesty’s barriers and the Crown Prince’s foundation rest with two key principalities: Huaiyang (Liu Wu) and Dai (Liu Can).

    “Dai borders the powerful Xiongnu in the north, and would have done more than its due if it could defend itself. However, compared to the other powerful princedoms, Huaiyang is like a mole on the face—significant enough to tempt larger states but not strong enough to resist their advances. Your Majesty holds all the power, yet you allow your son’s fief to serve as bait for these larger princedoms. This is not a sound strategy.

    “I humbly propose this: Take land from the princedom of Huainan to strengthen the princedom Huaiyang and establish a successor for the Prince of Liang. You could grant two or three cities in northern Huaiyang, along with the Dongjun Commandery, to the Princedom of Liang, thereby enlarging it. Alternatively, you could relocate the Prince of Dai to Suiyang as the new capital of Liang. The Principality of Liang would then stretch from Xinqi county to the Yellow River in the north, while Huaiyang would encompass the old Chen kingdom, reaching the Yangtze River in the south.

    “If this plan is implemented, the other princes will be too intimidated to rebel against the empire. The principality of Liang will be able to defend against the principalities of Qi and Zhao, and Huaiyang will be able to shield the empire from the principalities of Wu and Chu. This strategy will ensure Your Majesty can rest easy, free from worries in the east, and will provide stability for at least two generations.

    “Your Majesty currently enjoys a time of peace while the princes are still young, but in a few years, the threat they pose will become evident. Qin worked tirelessly to eliminate the problems posed by the six states, and now, Your Majesty directs the empire to your satisfaction with your fingers or facial expression, holding all the power to act. But if you idly allow the princedoms to grow into six powerful states once again, it would be difficult to say that your Majesty was a wise ruler.

    “Even if nothing happens in Your Majesty’s lifetime, the troubles are simmering beneath the surface, and by doing nothing, you will leave them for your elderly mother and young children to grapple with after your passing. This is not the act of a benevolent ruler.”

    The Emperor followed Jia Yi‘s advice and relocated the Prince of Huaiyang to become the Prince of Liang. He was granted over forty large counties, including Mount Tai in the north and Gaoyang County in the west. Jia Yi passed away a year later at the age of 33.

    The Emperor also relocated the Prince of Chengyang, Liu Xi, appointing him as the new Prince of Huainan.

    Meanwhile, the Xiongnu have begun invading Didao county.

    At this time, the Xiongnu posed a frequent threat to the border. The Crown Prince’s majordomo, Chao Cuo, submitted a military proposal:

    “The Art of War says, ‘There are commanders who are certain to win, but there is no such nation which is sure to win.’ From this, we understand that to defend the border and achieve military success, it is essential to select capable commanders.

    “I have also heard that three factors are crucial in winning a battle: the terrain, the training of the troops, and the quality of their armory. The Art of War teaches that different terrains require different strategies for infantry, cavalry, archery, pikes, spears, swords, and shields. Ten soldiers using the wrong tactics are no match for one soldier using the right tactics.

    “If officers are not selected from the best, and soldiers do not willingly practice; if they are careless in their daily routines and lack proper training; if they cannot move swiftly to seize opportunities or retreat in an organized manner when necessary; if the front engages in battle while the rear is in disarray; if they fail to respond to the signals of drums and trumpets from their commanders, then it is a failure of discipline and training. A hundred such untrained soldiers are no match for ten well-trained ones.”

    “If the weapons are not of good quality, they are as useless as empty hands. If the armor is not strong and secure, it is as ineffective as wearing no protection at all. If bows and arrows cannot hit their targets, they are no better than daggers, and if arrows cannot penetrate the enemy’s armor, they are as ineffective as arrows with no heads. This is the greatest danger for commanders who neglect the upkeep of their weaponry and equipment. Five ill-equipped soldiers are no match for one well-equipped soldier.

    “Moreover, the Art of War states: ‘If the equipment is inadequate, the soldiers are lost to the enemy; if the troops are not well-trained, the general is lost to the enemy; if the general is ignorant of military affairs, the ruler is lost to the enemy; and if the ruler fails to select capable generals, the state is lost to the enemy.’ These four factors are the most critical in warfare.

    “I have also heard that states of different sizes adopt different styles, states with varying strengths and weaknesses take different positions, and defending regions with different geographical features requires different preparations. Humbly serving a larger state is a self-preserving strategy for smaller states. Defending against a stronger enemy with a coalition of weaker forces is the position of a state of equal strength. Driving barbarians to attack other barbarians is a strategy of the Middle Kingdom, like Han.

    “The Xiongnu‘s terrain and tactics differ greatly from those of the Middle Kingdom. They excel in navigating mountains and hills, crossing streams and gorges, and their horses are faster than ours. On difficult terrain, whether riding or shooting, the Han cavalry cannot compare to the Xiongnu. When facing fatigue from wind and rain, or enduring hunger and thirst, the people of the Middle Kingdom are no match for the Xiongnu.

    “These are Xiongnu‘s strengths. However, they are vulnerable on open plains to sudden attacks by chariots and cavalry ambushes. They cannot withstand strong bows or long spears used for long-range attacks, nor can they resist the disciplined formations of the Middle Kingdom’s troops—organized into groups of five soldiers and teams of ten, moving in unison, equipped with a mix of long and short weapons and wearing metal armor. The detachments of crossbowmen and archers can easily overpower their leather outfits and wooden shields as our skilled artisans produce powerful bows and precise arrows; The Xiongnu are no match for the Middle Kingdom’s foot soldiers in close combat or the cavalry’s charge. These are the strengths of the Middle Kingdom.

    “Considering all of this, the Xiongnu possess three key strengths, while the Middle Kingdom has five. Your Majesty plans to deploy hundreds of thousands of troops to defeat the Xiongnu, who number only in the tens of thousands. This is a strategy of overwhelming force.

    “However, war is a dangerous and unpredictable endeavor. Sometimes, what is large becomes small, and what is strong turns weak in an instant. The risk of losing lives in battle is great, and once they are lost, there is no chance of recovery. The way of an emperor and a king is to take every precaution and ensure full preparation.

    “Currently, there are thousands of people from the Nomads, Yiqu, and other barbarian tribes who have surrendered to us. They share the lifestyle and skills as the Xiongnu. We should equip them with sturdy armor, warm clothing, strong bows, and sharp arrows, reinforcing them with the elite cavalry from the border regions. Experienced generals who understand their customs and can unite their hearts should be appointed by Your Majesty.

    “In treacherous terrain, these forces should bear the brunt of the fighting. On flat terrain, the empire’s chariots and skilled archers should be deployed. Both armies should use their respective strengths, complementing each other with reinforcements. This is a fail-safe strategy.”

    The Emperor appreciated Chao Cuo‘s advice and wrote back to him as encouragement. 

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 113): Comparing Huns with Han

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 6 Scroll 14 (continued)

    Huainan Principality in Han Empire of 195 BCE, Map by Esiymbro

    The 6th year of the Emperor Wen’s Early Era (174 B.C.)

    In October of winter, peaches and plums blossomed out of season. 

    Prince Li of Huainan, Liu Chang, enacted his own laws and expelled officials appointed by the Han court. He sought to appoint his own prime minister and officials of ministerial rank (i.e., 2000 picul officials), and the Emperor acquiesced to his request. Prince Li also arbitrarily executed innocent people and conferred noble titles on undeserving individuals, elevating some to the rank of Marquess within the Pass. He repeatedly sent disrespectful letters to the Emperor, who was reluctant to admonish him directly. Instead, the Emperor ordered Bo Zhao to write a letter of admonition, citing the punishments of Guan Shu Xian (Uncle Guan) and Cai Shu Du (Uncle Cai) from the Zhou dynasty, as well as the banishment of Prince Qing of Dai (Liu Zhong) and Prince of Jibei (Liu Xingju) to serve as a warning.

    The Prince of Huainan was not pleased with the letter. He conspired with 70 individuals, including Grandee Dan, officer Kai Zhang, and Chai Qi, who was the son of Chai Wu, the Marquis of Jipu, to lead an uprising of 40 chariots at Gukou County. They also sought assistance from the Minyue and Xiongnu states. However, the plot was discovered, and they were arrested. The Emperor summoned the Prince of Huainan to Chang’an, where Chancellor Zhang Cang and Grand Hareld Feng Jing, acting as Grand Master of the Censorate, along with the Minister of imperial Clan and the Minister of Justice, submitted a joint memorial: “Liu Chang should be executed in the public market for his crimes.” The imperial edict commuted the Prince of Huainan‘s death sentence to banishment at Qiong Post Station in Yandao County, Shu Commandery, and stripped him of his title. All those who conspired with him were executed. The Prince of Huainan was transported in prison vehicles, carried in stages by each county along the postal route to Qiong.

    Yuan Ang remonstrated, “Your Majesty has always indulged the Prince of Huainan and has not appointed strict teachers and advisors for him, which has led to this situation. The Prince of Huainan is strong-willed and fragile by nature, and now he is being brutally crushed. I fear he may die from illness on the road to exile, and Your Majesty will be accused of fratricide. What do we do then?” 

    The Emperor replied, “I just wanted to give him a hard time.  I will call him back now.”

    The Prince of Huainan, livid, died from a hunger strike. When the cart reached Yong County, the officers opened the sealed cart and found his corpse. News eventually reached the Emperor in Chang’an. Filled with grief, the Emperor regretted not heeding Yuan Ang‘s advice and sought counsel on how to atone for his mistake. Yuan Ang suggested that the only way to appease the people was to execute the Chancellor and the Grand Master of the Censorate to show remorse. Instead, the Emperor ordered the Chancellor and the Grand Master of the Censorate to investigate the local officials and publicly execute those who had failed to provide food and attendants for the Prince of Huainan. He also ordered the Prince’s burial in Yong with a tomb styled and scaled like that of a marquess, guarded by thirty households.

    Modu Chanyu of the Xiongnu(Huns) sent a letter to the Han, stating: “Earlier, the Emperor mentioned a marriage proposal and sent a letter expressing his intentions, which fostered friendship between our nations. However, Han officials have been harassing the Right Tuqi King. Without my permission, he listened to the advice of the Marquis of Houyilu, Nanzhi, and others, and confronted the Han officials. This violated the treaty between our nations and disrupted our bond of brotherhood. As a result, the Right Tuqi King was punished and sent west to seek out and attack the Yuezhi. Thanks to heaven’s favor, our soldiers were strong and our horses swift, and the Yuezhi were utterly defeated, with all either killed or surrendered. This brought stability to the northern frontier and solidified our rule over 26 neighboring kingdoms, including Loulan, Wusun, and Hujie. The various tribes with their bows and arrows have become one family. I request that we lay down our weapons, rest our soldiers, care for our horses, forget past grievances, and resume the old treaty to ensure peace for the border people. If Your Majesty prefers that our people stay away from the borders, I will issue a decree to my officials and people to remain at a greater distance.”

    The Emperor replied in a letter, saying: “The Chanyu’s desire to forget past grievances and resume the old treaty pleases me greatly. This reflects the wisdom of the ancient sage kings. The Han and Xiongnu made a treaty to be brothers, which is why the Han has treated the Chanyu with such generosity. Those who violate the treaty and disrupt our brotherhood are often found among the Xiongnu. However, the matter of the Right Tuqi King occurred before the amnesty, so I ask the Chanyu not to punish him too severely. If the Chanyu clearly communicates these intentions to your officials and ensures that they do not break the treaty, the Han will likewise honor the treaty and the goodwill expressed in the Chanyu’s letter.”

    Some time later, Modu Chanyu died and was succeeded by his son, Jiyu, who took the title of Laoshang Chanyu. Upon Laoshang Chanyu’s ascension, the Emperor once again sent a princess from the imperial clan to be his consort. An eunuch named Zhonghang Yue from Yan was sent to accompany the princess as her tutor. Zhonghang Yue was reluctant to go, but the Han government forced him. He remarked, “If it must be me, I will cause trouble for the Han!” Upon his arrival, Zhonghang Yue surrendered to the Chanyu, who treated him with great favor and affection.

    In the past, the Xiongnu were fond of Han’s silk and food. Zhonghang Yue warned, “Though the Xiongnu are numerous, they cannot compare to even a commandery of the Han. However, their strength lies in their distinct clothing and food, making them independent from Han. If the Chanyu adopts Han’s goods and customs, the Xiongnu will be under Han‘s control once they receive no more than ten or twenty percent of Han’s exports.” 

    When Zhonghang Yue obtained Han silk, he rode through thorns and grass, deliberately tearing his clothes to show that they were inferior to Xiongnu woolen cloaks and furs. When he received Han food, he rejected it, claiming it was less tasty and convenient than Xiongnu dairy products. He also taught the Chanyu’s attendants to keep records of their people and livestock. The letters and seals exchanged with the Han were enlarged to signify superiority. The letters were written in a haughty tone, referring to the Chanyu as “the great Xiongnu Chanyu, born of Heaven and Earth, and appointed by the Sun and Moon.”

    When Han envoys criticized the Xiongnu for lacking propriety and righteousness in their customs, Zhonghang Yue always countered by saying, “The Xiongnu have simple rules that are easy to follow. The relationship between their rulers and subjects is straightforward and enduring. Their statecraft functions as one cohesive body. Therefore, although the Xiongnu may at times be chaotic, they always establish a ruler from within the tribe. 

    “Now, while the Middle Kingdom claims to uphold propriety and righteousness, as family relations grow distant, people kill and steal from one another, and even the ruling clan is changed. Propriety or not, they all belong to the same kind of people. Alas! Those who live in earthen houses should not babble so much, or padding themselves on the back.

    “As for the goods that Han delivers to the Xiongnu—silk, cloth, rice, and wheat—let them be of good quality and appear pleasing. What more is there to say? If the goods are sufficient and of good quality, then all is well. But if the goods are lacking and of poor quality, then let them wait until autumn harvest, for our riders to sweep in and tramp on their crops.”

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 97): Appeasement

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang

    Annals of Han Book 4 Scroll 12

    Duration of 12 years

    Guanzhong Plain, Shaanxi Province

    The 8th year of the Emperor Gaozu (199 B.C.)

    In winter, the Emperor led an attack on the remaining forces of Xin, King of Hán, at Dongyuan county, passing through Boren county. Guan Gao and other officials had assassins hide in the double wall of a latrine. The Emperor planned to stay overnight but suddenly asked, “What is the name of this county?” The reply was “Boren.” The Emperor said, “Boren sounds like po’ren, which refers to people under duress.” He then decided to leave without staying overnight. In December, the Emperor returned to the capital from Dongyuan county.

    In Spring of that March, the Emperor traveled to Luoyang. He decreed that merchants were prohibited from wearing clothing made of silk, embroidery, fine brocade, thick silk, fine cotton, coarse cotton, or hempen fabrics. They were also forbidden to carry weapons or ride horses as well as carriages.

    In September, during the autumn, the Emperor departed from Luoyang, accompanied by the King of Huainan, the King of Liang, the King of Zhao, and the King of Chu.

    The Xiongnu leader Modu Chanyu frequently harassed the northern border of the Han dynasty. Concerned, the Emperor sought advice from Liu Jing. Liu Jing responded, “The soldiers and officers are weary from battle, and it is unwise to resort to force now. Modu gained power by killing his father and seizing his wives and consorts. He relies on brute strength, and it’s difficult to sway him with principles of kindness and righteousness. However, we can adopt a long-term strategy, allowing his descendants to become our vassals. But I fear your majesty may not be able to convince yourself to do it.”

    The Emperor asked, “What should I do, then?” 

    Liu Jing replied, “If your majesty offers your eldest princess in marriage to him and provides generous gifts, he will admire you and view himself as your son-in-law. If a son is born by the princess, he will become the crown prince. You can gift items that the Han dynasty has in abundance but that the Xiongnu lacks, in each season year-round. You may use these opportunities to send lobbyists to educate them on Han cultural etiquette. Modu will be your son-in-law during his lifetime, and after his death, your grandson will become the new Xiongnu leader. Have you ever known a grandson daring to disrespect and contend with his grandfather? You can gradually subjugate them without warfare.  If Your Majesty cannot send the Eldest Princess, but instead has members of the imperial clan or the harem falsely claim to be the princess, once they find out, they will not be willing to honor or maintain close relationships, and it will be of no benefit.”

    The Emperor found the idea appealing and considered sending his eldest princess to Modu. However, Empress Lü wept day and night, saying, “I only bore the crown prince and one daughter.  How can we ditch her to the Xiongnu?” The Emperor ultimately could not bear to send his daughter, and the plan fell through.

    The 9th year of the Emperor Gaozu (198 B.C.)

    In winter, the Emperor selected a young girl from a plebeian family, bestowed upon her the title of ‘Eldest Princess,’ and sent her to marry the Xiongnu leader. He also dispatched Liu Jing to negotiate and finalize the marriage alliance.

    Sima Guang’s commentary: Marquis Jianxin’s proposal to marry off a young woman to a vallian, Modu, who cannot be swayed by benevolence and righteousness is inherently self-contradictory. The bonds of kinship and distinctions of rank can only be appreciated by those who follow the principles of benevolence and righteousness. How, then, can we expect to win over the Xiongnu through marriage?

    In the past, emperors dealt with barbarian tribes either by showing them kindness or by demonstrating their might. There is no record of marriage being used as a diplomatic tool. Moreover, since the Xiongnu leader treated his own father as prey, how could he be trusted to show respect to his wife’s family? The strategy of the Marquis of Jianxin was fundamentally flawed, and how could he even consider taking away Princess Yuan of Lu, who had already been Queen of Zhao?

    Liu Jing returned from the Xiongnu and reported, “The Xiongnu‘s Baiyang and Loufan kings are only 700 li from Chang’an. A light cavalry could reach Qinzhong(a.k.a. Guanzhong) in a single day and night. Qinzhong has just been pacified, with a small population and fertile land. Increasing the population would help consolidate the region. When the monarchs established in the past, only the families of Tian in Qi, and the Shao, Jing and Qu clans in Chu prospered first. Although Your Majesty now rules Guanzhong, the population is sparse. In the east, the powerful clans of the former six states remain strong. If sudden unrest occurs, Your Majesty cannot be at ease.

    I recommend moving the influential clans of the former six states, along with other prominent families, to Guanzhong. Their presence will act as a deterrent to the Xiongnu, and they can be mobilized to vanquish the east if the monarchs revolt. This is the strategy of strengthening the core and weakening the periphery.”

    The Emperor agreed: “A good idea!” In November, he relocated the major clans of the Shao, Qu, Jing, Huai, and Tian families, along with other powerful households, to Guanzhong. A population of over 100,000 were given fertile fields and houses there.

    In December, the Emperor traveled to Luoyang. 

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 95): Inventor of Whistling Arrows

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang 

    Annals of Han Book 3 Scroll 11 (continued)

    A Bust of Modu (Metehan) Chanyu in Türkiye, Photo by Vikiçizer

    The 6th year of the Emperor Gaozu(201 B.C. continued)

    The emperor returned to Yueyang.

    The emperor granted his father the title Emperor Emeritus on May 23 of the summer.

    The Xiongnu empire feared the Empire of Qin and moved to the north for more than ten years.  As the empire of Qin collapsed, the Xiongnus gradually moved southward and crossed the Yellow River.  

    The chief of Xiongnu, whose name was Touman Chanyu, had a crown prince called Modu.  Then Touman’s other favorite wife bore him a younger son.  He wanted to crown his young son.  Nomad tribes Donghu was strong and Yuezhi was prosperous at the time.  Touman sent Modu to be a hostage in Yuezhi and then launched a sneak attack on Yuezhi.  Yuezhi would have killed Modu, except Modu stole a stallion and ran home.  Touman thought he was tough and let Modu command ten thousand cavalry. 

    Modu invented the kabura-ya, or whistling arrows, and trained his cavalry to use them in archery. He issued a strict command: “Anyone who fails to shoot at the same target immediately after seeing a kabura-ya hit the mark must be beheaded.” To enforce discipline, Modu shot his prized horse with a kabura-ya, followed by his beloved wife. Those who hesitated to follow his lead were executed. Eventually, he shot the best horse of the Chanyu with a whistling arrow, and everyone else shot as well. Satisfied with their readiness, Modu embarked on a hunting trip, where he shot Touman with a whistling arrow. His attendants, following his lead, killed Touman Chanyu.  Then he executed his stepmother, younger brother, and ministers who opposed him. Modu then declared himself Chanyu.

    When the Donghu tribe heard that Modu had become the Chanyu, they sent a messenger with a demand: “We want Touman Chanyu’s fast horse, the one that can run a thousand li in a day.” Modu consulted his ministers, who all advised, “This is a treasure of the Xiongnu, do not give it away!” But Modu replied, “How can we value a horse more than maintaining good relations with a neighboring state?” and so he gave them the horse.

    Soon after, the Donghu sent another messenger: “We would like one of the Chanyu’s wives.” Modu again asked his followers, who were outraged: “The Donghu are unreasonable, asking for Chanyu’s wife! Let’s attack them!” Modu responded, “How can we value a woman more than a neighboring state?” and hand out his beloved wife.

    Emboldened, the Donghu king became even more arrogant. There was a stretch of deserted land over a thousand miles wide between the Donghu and Xiongnu, each occupying their own side of the border, known as the “Ou-Tuo” (buffer zone). The Donghu then demanded this land. Modu asked his ministers for their advice; some said, “It is just deserted land, it doesn’t matter if we give it away or not.” Enraged, Modu declared, “The land is the foundation of the country, how can we give it away?” He beheaded those who had suggested giving it up.

    Modu mounted his horse and commanded, “Anyone who retreats during battle will be beheaded!” He attacked the Donghu, who had underestimated him and were unprepared, leading to their destruction.

    On returning home, Modu launched a westward attack and defeated the Yuezhi tribe. He then annexed the territories ruled by the King of Loufan and the King of Baiyang, the tribes living in the south of the Yellow River, before advancing into the states of Yan and Dai. He reclaimed the lands that had previously been taken from the Xiongnu by Meng Tian, extending the southern frontier to Chaona and Fushi counties. At the time, the Han army was preoccupied with their conflict against Xiang Yu, and the central plains were exhausted by war. This allowed Modu Chanyu to consolidate his power, amassing an army of more than 300,000 archers and inducing trepidation and submission to other nations.

    In the autumn, the Xiongnu besieged the Han vassal King of Hán, Xin at Mayi. Xin repeatedly sent messengers to the Xiongnu seeking a truce, and the empire dispatched troops to rescue him. However, the Han court grew suspicious of Xin’s loyalty, as he had sent envoys back and forth multiple times. Accused of dual loyalty and fearing punishment, in September, Xin surrendered Mayi to the Xiongnu. Seizing this opportunity, Modu Chanyu led his troops south, crossed the Gozhu Pass, raided Taiyuan commandery, and eventually reached Jinyang city.

    The emperor abolished the harsh and complicated laws of the Qin Dynasty and implemented a simpler system. However, officials began competing for recognition, and during drinking sessions, some became drunk and made reckless remarks, even drawing their swords and hacking at pillars. The emperor grew increasingly disgusted with their behavior.

    Shusun Tong advised the emperor, “Scholars may not be suited to ambitious plans, but they are capable of maintaining stability. I would like to invite scholars from Lu to establish court ceremonies, along with my own disciples.” The emperor asked, “Won’t this be difficult?” Shusun Tong replied, “The Five Emperors in history had different music, and the Three Kings had different rituals. Ceremonies should reflect the times and the people’s sentiments, so the rituals must be adjusted accordingly. I will draw on ancient rituals and blend them with Qin customs.” The emperor agreed, saying, “Let’s give it a try. Make it simple to understand, and only implement what I can manage.”

    Shusun Tong summoned over thirty scholars from the state of Lu. However, two scholars refused, saying, “You have served ten lords and flattered them all to gain favor. Now that the world has only just been pacified, the dead are not yet buried, and the wounded have not yet recovered, yet you want to start with ceremonies and music. Ceremonies and music should only be established after accumulating virtue for a hundred years. I cannot bear to follow your example. You may do as you wish, but do not tarnish my reputation!” Shusun Tong laughed and said, “You are dogmatic and shallow scholars who fail to grasp the changes of the times.”

    He then led the scholars he had recruited, along with those close to the emperor and his own disciples—a group of over a hundred people—to practice rituals and music outdoors, using ropes and thatch as mock-ups, for over a month. He reported to the emperor, “You can now observe and assess them.” The emperor ordered the court to rehearse the rituals and remarked, “I can do this.” He then instructed the officials to study and practice the rituals.