Tag: han-dynasty

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 142): A Mind Reader

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 10 Scroll 18 (continued)

    Zibo, f.k.a. Zichuan the hometown of Gongsun Hong, Shandong Province

    The 5th year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (130 B.C.)

    The Emperor appointed Zhang Tang as Grand Palace Grandee. Together with Zhao Yu, he codified statutes and ordinances, multiplying their intricacies. They enforced strict observance of official duties, and promulgated the Law of Misprision, whereby subjects were urged to denounce one another and overseers were bound to scrutinize their subordinates. From that time forth, the rule of law grew ever more exacting.

    In August, rice borers afflicted the fields.

    In that same year, persons among the officials and common folk who possessed knowledge of current statecraft or were versed in the teachings of the ancient sages were summoned to the capital. They were grouped according to their native counties, provisioned food along the way, while traveling with the provincial officers who reported statistics to the court.

    Gongsun Hong of Zichuan, in his memorial submitted during the official selection examination, wrote:

    “I have heard that in high antiquity, under the reigns of Emperor Yao and Shun, rank and reward were not esteemed, yet the people urged one another toward virtue. Punishments were not severe, yet transgressions were few. This was because the sovereigns were upright, and their virtue inspired trust among the people. But in the decline of later ages, high honors failed to encourage good conduct, and harsh laws could not restrain evil. This was because the ruler lacked righteousness, and the people no longer believed in him. Therefore, one cannot govern by rewards and punishments alone; the essential matter is that the people place their trust in the state.

    “The government, then, must employ the worthy in their proper stations, entrusting them with the management of affairs. Idle discourse must be silenced, lest it hinder execution. Superfluous production must be curtailed, that taxation may be eased. The people must not be robbed of their time or labor, that they may enrich themselves through their own efforts. Those of virtue must be raised up; the unworthy must be cast down, that authority may be honored. Those of merit must be rewarded; the idle and ineffectual dismissed, that rank may be justly ordered. If punishments fit the crime, corruption will cease; if rewards accord with service, ministers will be diligent. These eight measures form the foundation of good government.

    “The people are the root. When occupied with their tasks, they do not contend; when given proper guidance, they do not harbor resentment; when treated with ritual and propriety, they do not rebel; when cherished by their superiors, they respond with loyalty. These are the urgent concerns of statecraft. Rites and righteousness are the bonds that hold the people. When reward and punishment accord with these, the laws would not be transgressed.

    “I have also heard it said: ‘Like nature attracts; harmonious tones respond in kind.’ Thus, when the ruler above cultivates harmony and virtue, the people below dwell in concord. When the heart is harmonized, the vital energies are balanced; when the energies are balanced, the body is sound; when the body is sound, the voice is in tune; and when the voice is in tune, Heaven and Earth respond in accord. When yin and yang are in harmony, the winds and rains arrive in season, sweet dew descends, the five grains flourish, the six livestock prosper, fields yield in abundance, auspicious plants appear, the mountains remain verdant, and the marshes do not dry—such is the ultimate fruit of harmony.”

    At that time, more than a hundred men presented themselves for examination. The Minister of Ceremonies ranked Gongsun Hong’s memorial among the lower entries. Yet the Emperor, discerning its worth, raised it above all others, appointed Gongsun Hong as Erudite, and ordered him to await summons at the Golden Horse Gate.

    There was another man, Yuan Gu of Qi, over ninety years of age, who was likewise summoned to the capital as one of the Worthies. Renowned for his virtue and learning, he was held in esteem by many. Gongsun Hong regarded him only with a sidelong glance. Yuan Gu reproached him, saying, “Master Gongsun, one must speak the truth in accordance with the Confucian Way. To please the current populace is to stray from righteousness.”

    Many among the Confucians harbored resentment toward Yuan Gu and maligned him in secret. Thereafter, he withdrew from service, citing the infirmities of old age.

    In those years, the imperial court sought to open the mountain roads leading to the four commanderies of the southwest—Guanghan, Qianwei, Ba, and Shu. Provisions for the laborers were borne over thousands of li. For several years, the roads remained impassable; soldiers perished in great numbers from hunger, pestilence, and the miasmic climate. Moreover, the tribes of the southwestern barbarians rose in frequent rebellion, consuming the empire’s wealth with no gain in territory nor submission.

    The Emperor was disquieted and dispatched Gongsun Hong to investigate the matter. Upon his return, Gongsun Hong memorialized the court, reporting the misery of the southern marches and declaring that the tribes were of no benefit to the state. But the Emperor set aside his counsel and did not act upon it.

    In court deliberations, Gongsun Hong was ever measured in speech, laying forth the essential facts and leaving judgment to the Emperor. He refrained from contentious disputation and did not press his views. This comportment pleased the Emperor, who deemed him prudent in conduct, skilled in argument, well-versed in law and governance, and adept in citing the Classics of the Sage. Rejoicing in his comportment, the Emperor within the year appointed him Left Interior Minister.

    At court, Gongsun Hong never openly opposed the Emperor. He and Ji An often requested private audiences. Ji An would raise the matter, and Gongsun Hong would follow with further remarks. The Emperor found Gongsun Hong’s manner agreeable, often adopted his counsel, and favored him ever more. On several occasions, though he had earlier expressed a contrary view in council, Gongsun Hong would later amend his position to accord with the Emperor’s will.

    During one such session, Ji An rebuked Gongsun Hong before the assembled ministers, saying, “Men of Qi are known for their cunning ways. In our early consultations, you agreed with my proposal. Now, before His Majesty, you reverse your stands entirely. You are evasive and untrustworthy!”

    The Emperor turned to Gongsun Hong for a reply. Gongsun Hong bowed and said, “Those who know me well regard me as honest and loyal. Those who do not may hold doubts.” The Emperor accepted his words in good faith. Though there were those at court who spoke ill of him, the Emperor’s trust in Gongsun Hong only deepened.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 141): Jester Not Always Joking

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 10 Scroll 18 (continued)

    Zangke River, Guizhou Province

    The 5th year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (130 B.C. continued)

    In earlier years, when Wang Hui led a campaign against Minyue, he dispatched the Magistrate of Poyang, Tang Meng, to deliver their strategy to Nanyue. While in Nanyue, Tang Meng was served with betel sauce. Inquiring of its origin, he was told, “It comes from the northwest, along the Zangke River. That river is several li across and passes near the city of Panyu.”

    Upon returning to Chang’an, Tang Meng questioned merchants from Shu. They confirmed that betel sauce was a product solely of Shu, and that much of it was illicitly transported and sold to the Yelang people. The kingdom of Yelang lies along the Zangke River, which spans over one hundred chi(feet) in breadth, broad enough to bear boats. Nanyue was compelled to provide them with goods and labor, reaching even as far as Tongshi, yet still failed to bring them fully under subjugation.

    Tang Meng thereupon submitted a memorial to the Emperor:

     “The King of Nanyue rides beneath a yellow canopy and displays a royal standard. His domain stretches more than ten thousand li from east to west. Though styled a vassal beyond the borders, in truth he governs as an autonomous prince. Now, should we wish to march upon Nanyue, we must pass through the territories of Changsha and Yuzhang, where the waterways are intricate and difficult to navigate.

    “I have heard that the elite troops of Yelang number in excess of ten thousand. If we launch vessels upon the Zangke River and strike by surprise, catching them unawares, it will be a most advantageous strategy against Nanyue. Moreover, the might of the Han, supported by the wealth of Ba and Shu, is sufficient to establish an administrative command over Yelang with ease.”

    The Emperor received the memorial with approval.

    Tang Meng was appointed General of the Household, given command of one thousand soldiers, with a supporting force of more than ten thousand men, and ample military provisions. He advanced through the Zuo Pass from the commanderies of Ba and Shu and made contact with Duotong, the Marquis of Yelang. Tang Meng bestowed generous gifts and extolled the rewards of submission. He proposed the establishment of Han governance, offering to appoint Duotong’s son as the local magistrate.

    The lesser towns nearby, coveting Han silk and fine cloth, judged the southern route too perilous to be practicable. Thus they acceded to Tang Meng’s proposal.

    Upon his return, Tang Meng reported to the Emperor. The Emperor thereupon established Yelang as a commandery, naming it Qianwei, and dispatched troops from Ba and Shu to open a road from Bodao to the Zangke River. Laborers numbered in the tens of thousands. Many perished from hardship; many more deserted. Martial law was enforced with severity, and leaders of desertion were punished according to the statutes. This sowed great fear and unrest among the people of Ba and Shu.

    When word of this reached the throne, the Emperor dispatched Sima Xiangru to censure Tang Meng and the commanders. Sima Xiangru addressed the people, proclaiming that these harsh measures were not in accord with the sovereign’s intent. Having pacified the region, he returned to report at court.

    At that time, the tribal chieftains of Qiongdu and Dingzuo, hearing of the honors and rewards bestowed upon the southwestern barbarians who submitted, sought to become vassals of the Han. They memorialized the throne, requesting the dispatch of imperial envoys and the appointment of Han officials to administer their lands.

    The Emperor consulted Sima Xiangru, who submitted the following counsel:

    Qiongzuo, and Ranmang lie close to Shu. The roads thither are readily traversed. In the time of Qin, these regions were opened and established as commanderies and counties, but with the fall of Qin and the rise of Han, they were abandoned. Now, if once more commanderies and counties are founded therein, they will prove more governable than other southern tribes.”

    The Emperor accepted this proposal and appointed Sima Xiangru as General of the Household. He was sent as an envoy to the southwestern regions, bearing imperial insignia. Accompanied by Assistant Envoy Wang Ranyu et al. and riding mail carriages, he bore generous gifts and gold to secure the allegiance of the tribal leaders.

    The chieftains of Qiongzuo, Ranmang, and Siyu all submitted memorials requesting to become Han subjects. The empire abolished the former border passes, extended its frontiers with new checkpoints, and in the west reached the Moshui and Ruoshui Rivers, while in the south, the border extended to the Zangke. A new road was tunneled through Lingguan Mountain, bridging over the Sunshui River, and through Qiongdu. A commandant’s office was established, and more than ten counties were placed under the administration of Shu Commandery.

    The Emperor was well pleased.

    An imperial edict was issued to dispatch ten thousand troops to reinforce and fortify the defenses at Yanmen Pass.

    In July of autumn, a great wind arose; trees were toppled, and the land was shaken.

    At that time, Chu Fu, a woman versed in sorcery and illicit rites, gathered a band of witches and conspired to instruct Empress Chen—who had fallen from favor—in the use of spells and incantations to curse those who held the Emperor’s affection, and to regain his love through occult means. When word of this reached the Emperor, he commanded censor Zhang Tang to conduct a full inquiry.

    Zhang Tang’s investigation was exhaustive and uncovered a vast conspiracy implicating more than three hundred persons. Chu Fu was executed; her head was exposed at the city gate as a warning to all.

    On July 9, the Empress was stripped of her title. Her seals and regalia were taken, and she was confined in retirement within the Changmen Palace.

    Dowager Duchess Dou, a.k.a. Princess of Guantao and mother of the Empress Chen, was stricken with remorse and dread, fearing punishment for the transgressions of her daughter. She prostrated herself before the Emperor and offered words of gratitude for his clemency.

    The Emperor replied: “The Empress transgressed the bounds of righteousness, and thus I had no recourse but to depose her. Yet this is not a judgment upon you. Hold fast to your virtue, and let not idle tongues breed mistrust. Though the Empress is dethroned, she shall enjoy all due rites and honors as before. The Changmen Palace shall differ in no wise from the central palace.”

    In years past, the Emperor had held a banquet at the residence of Dowager Duchess Dou. There, he encountered Dong Yan, a purveyor of jewelry and a paramour of the duchess. Pleased with his manner, the Emperor honored Dong Yan with rich robes and high station, addressing him as “Master of the House” rather than by name, and having him join the imperial revelries.

    Thereafter, Dong Yan stood high in favor. His name was renowned throughout the realm. He amused himself in the northern palace, galloping through the Pingle Garden, organizing cockfights, soccer ball games, races of horses and hounds—pastimes that brought great delight to the Emperor.

    Once, the Emperor held a feast in the great hall of Weiyang Palace. He sent an attendant to summon Dong Yan.

    At that moment, Dongfang Shuo, Gentleman of the Household and bearer of the halberd, laid down his weapon and stepped forward, saying, “Dong Yan has committed three grave offenses. Why is he permitted to enter the inner court?”

    The Emperor asked, “What are these offenses?”

    Dongfang Shuo replied: “First, though a commoner, he consorted intimately with a princess—this is his first crime. Second, he has corrupted the norms between men and women, subverted the rites of matrimony, and thereby harmed the moral order of the realm—this is his second crime. Third, Your Majesty has reached an age to devote yourself to the Six Classics, to cultivate virtue and uphold the teachings of the sages. Yet Dong Yan neither reveres the Classics nor encourages learning. Instead, he delights in frivolity and extravagance, indulging in horse races and dog chases, and wallows in the pleasures of the eyes and ears. Such a man is a blight upon the state and a canker upon the ruler. This is his third crime.”

    The Emperor remained silent. After a long pause, he said, “The feast has already been prepared. We will mend it by ourselves later.”

    Dongfang Shuo said, “No! The main hall is where the Mandate of the Former Emperors resided; no man guilty of transgression should be permitted to set foot therein. From indulgence grows disorder; from disorder, usurpation. The corruption of the inner chambers has brought ruin to states since ancient times. Consider the calamity of the State of Qi[Duke Huan of Qi], brought about by the cruelty and wickedness of flatterers such as Shu Diao and Yi Ya. The execution of Qingfu preserved the State of Lu.”

    The Emperor replied, “Your words are just,” and at once ordered that the feast be moved to the Northern Palace. Dong Yan was summoned instead through the East Gate, an entrance for marshals.

    In recognition of Dongfang Shuo’s upright counsel, the Emperor bestowed upon him thirty cattie of gold. Thereafter, Dong Yan’s favor steadily declined.

    From that time forward, the princesses and consorts increasingly overstepped the bounds of decorum.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 140): Rise from Riches And Fame Unsoiled

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 10 Scroll 18 (continued)

    Imperial Academy, Photo by Martin, W. A. P.

    The 3rd year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (132 B.C.)

    In the spring, the Yellow River altered its course, flowing southeastward from Dunqiu County.

    In May of summer, the swollen river again burst its dikes near Huzi Dam in Puyang, pouring into Juye. The waters joined the Huai and Si rivers, inundating sixteen commanderies. The Emperor dispatched Ji An and Zheng Dangshi drafting one hundred thousand corvees to seal the breach, yet their labors proved fruitless. The surging waters swiftly swept away the embankments they had raised.

    At that time, Tian Fen, whose fief lay in Shu County to the north of the river and who had been spared the flood and reaped abundant harvests, memorialized the throne. He declared that to obstruct the Yellow River by human means was in vain. The meandering of the Yangtze and the Yellow River, he said, followed the workings of nature and could not be restrained by mortal hands. He further contended that such resistance might stand contrary to the will of Heaven.

    Tian Fen’s words found favor among those who observed the movements of Heaven and Earth. Thus it was that the Emperor, heeding their counsel, suspended the works to dam the river for many years.

    In the reign of Emperor Jing, Dou Ying, Marquis of Weiqi, served as Grand General. At that time, Tian Fen, Marquis of Wu’an, held the humble post of attendant-in-waiting, ever pouring wine before Dou Ying, rising and kneeling without ceasing, bearing himself as though he were a son or nephew in service.

    As years passed, Tian Fen’s power waxed. He ascended to the Chancellorship, while Dou Ying’s prestige declined and his favor with the court diminished. His retainers scattered, and only Guan Fu of Yingyin, former prime minister of Yan, remained by his side. Dou Ying held Guan Fu in high esteem and treated him as a father would a son.

    Guan Fu was upright in disposition, forthright in speech, and lacking in restraint when drinking. He would often provoke those of higher station, quarreling with them in his cups. On several occasions, he came into conflict with Chancellor Tian Fen, and discord grew between them. In time, Tian Fen memorialized the Emperor, saying: “Guan Fu and his kin harass the common people; the residents of Yingchuan suffer grievously at their hands.”

    Guan Fu and his kin were seized and sentenced to public execution. Dou Ying, Marquis of Weiqi, submitted a memorial in his defense. The Emperor commanded both the Marquis of Weiqi and the Marquis of Wu’an to present their arguments before the East Court, where the Empress Dowager presided. Yet rather than plead their cases, the two marquises used the occasion to level accusations against one another.

    The Emperor then summoned his ministers and inquired who among the two was in the right. Of them, only Ji An stood in support of the Marquis of Weiqi. Han Anguo declared that both parties were justified. Zheng Dangshi at first inclined toward the Marquis of Weiqi, but dared not hold onto his view. The Emperor, displeased by Zheng Dangshi’s evasiveness, declared, “Men like you deserve execution.”

    Thereafter, the Emperor withdrew to the inner palace and dined with the Empress Dowager. Stricken with anger, she would not eat, and said, “While I still live, they already have assailed my younger brother. When I am gone, will they cut him like fish or meat upon the chopping board?” The Emperor, having no alternative, ordered that the sentence be carried out: the clan of Guan Fu was exterminated.

    Dou Ying, Marquis of Weiqi, was also arrested and tried. He was found guilty on multiple counts and condemned to death.

    The 4th year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (131 B.C.)

    On December 30, in the depth of winter, Dou Ying, Marquis of Weiqi, was executed at Weicheng.

    On March 17 of spring, Tian Fen, Marquis of Wu’an, passed away. In the aftermath of the rebellion of Liu An, Prince of Huainan, it was revealed that Tian Fen had received gold from the prince and spoken words that gave him encouragement. Upon hearing this, the Emperor said, “Had the Marquis of Wu’an still lived, his entire clan would have been put to death.”

    In April, during early summer, a great frost descended and destroyed the crops.

    Han Anguo, Grand Master of the Censorate, was entrusted with the duties of the Chancellor. While directing the imperial passage, he fell from his chariot and was lamed.

    On May 20, Xue Ze, Marquis of Pingji, was appointed Chancellor. Han Anguo, stricken with illness, was discharged from office.

    In that year, the earth trembled, and a general amnesty was proclaimed throughout the realm.

    In September, Zhang Ou, Commandant of the Capital Guard, was appointed Grand Master of the Censorate. Han Anguo, whose health had recovered, was reappointed as Commandant of the Capital Guard.

    Liu De, Prince of Hejian, delighted in learning and venerated the ancient texts. He pursued truth in study with sincerity, and richly rewarded those who presented worthy books, granting them gold and silk. He gathered writings from all quarters, and the number of volumes in his collection surpassed even that of the imperial archives. By contrast, Liu An, Prince of Huainan, likewise showed an interest in books, yet his compilations abounded in hollow theories and fanciful arguments.

    The works collected by Prince Liu De were chiefly ancient writings from before the Qin dynasty, and treatises concerning rites and music. He collated and lightly amended these texts, reissuing more than five hundred pieces. In clothing and conduct, he upheld the forms of Confucian propriety, and scholars from the eastern commanderies esteemed him and came to follow his example.

    The 5th year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (130 B.C.)

    In October of winter, Liu De, Prince of Hejian, entered the capital. He presented formal music for ceremonial use, and responded to more than thirty inquiries from the Emperor concerning the rites and protocols of Sanyong Palaces (Three Institutions—the Imperial Academy, the Luminous Hall, and the Spiritual Terrace). In his replies, he displayed deep comprehension of Confucian doctrine, speaking with clarity, precision, and graceful brevity.

    The Emperor commanded the Imperial Musicians to record the harmonies offered by the Prince and to rehearse them for use in grand ceremonies held throughout the year, though not as part of regular observances.

    In January of spring, the Prince of Hejian passed away. Cheng Li, Commandant of the Capital Guard, memorialized the court with news of the prince’s death, praising him as upright and virtuous, modest and frugal, respectful of elders, and compassionate toward widows and orphans. He further extolled the prince’s deep discernment and keen judgment.

    The Grand Herald submitted a formal petition, requesting that the Prince be granted the posthumous title “King of Xian,” meaning “Bright and Wise,” in accordance with the ancient ordinances governing posthumous honorifics.

    Ban Gu’s praising remark: Duke Ai of Lu said, “I was born in the inner palace, reared among women, and knew not sorrow, nor fear.” Indeed, these words reveal a fundamental truth. Even should such a ruler strive with utmost care to shield his people from harm, peril cannot be wholly averted. Thus did the ancients regard indulgence and ease as a hidden poison, and wealth unaccompanied by virtue as a source of calamity.

    From the founding of the Han to the reign of Emperor Ping, the princes and feudal lords numbered over a hundred. Many among them fell into arrogance and dissipation, straying far from the proper path. Why so? Immersed in luxury and indulgence, they became heedless, squandering their positions in reckless abandon. Even the common folk are shaped by habit and custom—how much more are those, like Duke Ai of Lu, reared in palaces, surrounded by opulence? 

    Only those who adhere steadfastly to the greater principles, standing above the vulgar multitude, may escape such fate. The late King Xian of Hejian approached this ideal.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 139): The Farce at Ma’yi

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 10 Scroll 18

    Duration of 9 years

    Ambush at Ma’yi

    The 2nd year of Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (133 B.C.)

    In October of winter, the Emperor traveled to Yong county and offered sacrifices at the Altars for Five Deities.

    An occultist known as Li Shaojun was granted an audience with the Emperor, for being able to reverse aging by worshiping the kitchen god. The Emperor highly respected him. Li Shaojun, formerly an attendant of the Marquis of Shenze, Zhao Xiu, concealed his age and upbringing. He traveled widely among the feudal lords without revealing any information about his life, He seemed to have no spouse and child. He was known for his ability to influence material goods, longevity, and claimed to possess knowledge of beings who won’t die. People donated food and money to him, so he had a surplus of wealth. People believed him even more when they witnessed that he didn’t engage in regular occupations yet lived in abundance. They vied to serve him and provided him with offerings, including money, clothing, and food.

    Li Shaojun was good at making surprising predictions that later were proved to be true. Once, Li Shaojun joined a gathering with Marquis Wu’an(Tian Fen) for a drink. Being present at  the gathering, there was an old man who was more than ninety years old. Li Shaojun spoke about a place where he used to go hunting with the old man’s grandfather. To everyone’s astonishment, the elderly man recognized that place, having accompanied his grandfather there during his childhood.

    Li Shaojun told the Emperor: “When one makes offerings to the kitchen deity, it attracts spiritual beings. By connecting with these spiritual beings, one can transform cinnabar into gold, extend his life, and even encounter the Immortals of Penglai. If one meets these Immortals and performs the Feng-Shan ceremony[worship of Heaven and Earth at Mount Tai], one will attain immortality. This is what happened to the Yellow Emperor.”

    “Once, I traveled to the sea and encountered Anqi Sheng, an Immortal. He shared jujubes with me, each as big as a melon. Anqi Sheng is a being of great enlightenment, capable of traveling through the realm of Penglai. When one is in harmony with him, one can see him. When one is not, he remains hidden.”

    As a result, the Emperor began to personally perform sacrifices to the kitchen god, and he sent occultists to search the sea for islands like Penglai and demigods like Anqi Sheng. They also embarked on efforts to transmute cinnabar sand into gold. After some time, Li Shaojun became seriously ill and passed away. The Emperor believed that he had undergone a transformation and not actually died. However, many occultists(necromancers and alchemists, etc.) along the coasts of Yan and Qi came to the Emperor and talked about gods and spirits.

    Miu Ji of Bo raised awareness about the offering to Taiyi(North Star). He said, “The most revered heavenly deity is Taiyi, and Taiyi is assisted by the Five Deities.” Following this, the Emperor established the altar to Taiyi at the southeast outskirts of Chang’an.

    Nie Yi, a wealthy man from Ma’yi County of Yanmen Commandery, suggested a plan, through the Grand Herald Wang Hui, to lure the Xiongnu through the strategy of feigned friendship and then launch a surprise attack. The Emperor consulted with his ministers, and Wang Hui said, “I’ve heard that the state of Dai, when it was a sovereign state, had a formidable enemy in the north, and yet maintained vigilance against internal warfare of the middle kingdoms. At that time, their elderly and the young were still well taken care of, trees were planted at the right time, and the granaries were always full. This made the Xiongnu hesitant to invade. Now, Your Majesty’s power unifies the entire nation. However, the incessant Xiongnu incursions are because they no longer fear us. I believe that we should launch an attack.”

    Han Anguo disagreed, stating, “I’ve heard that Emperor Gaozu once was besieged in Pingcheng and ran out of food for seven days. After lifting the siege, he showed no sign of hatred and revenge. A wise ruler measures the entire world, not harboring personal resentment that harms the interests of the people. That’s why he sent Liu Jing to negotiate peace with the marriage agreement, and to this day, we’ve enjoyed five generations of benefits. I believe that we shouldn’t attack.”

    Wang Hui argued, “That’s not the case. Emperor Gaozu, wearing armor and wielding sharp weapons, had gone through wars for decades. He didn’t seek vengeance for the grudge at Pingcheng not because he didn’t have the strength, But he aimed at calming the hearts of the people and giving people a respite from incessant wars. Nowadays, frequent border alarms, injured soldiers, and the sight of hearses come one after another. A benevolent person should be sad about this. That’s why I say we should attack.”

    Han Anguo said, “I disagree. I’ve heard that in military affairs, you should keep our forces with satiety versus an enemy who is hungry, to maintain order versus an enemy who is in chaos, and to keep our forces well rested versus an enemy who is exhausted. By keeping our forces well-provisioned and disciplined, we can conquer enemy armies, destroy their countries, and capture their cities. This is the way of warfare advocated by wise leaders. Currently, the plan to swiftly deploy is unwise, and the depth of our invasion is difficult to execute. Rushing in a long column would lead to side ambushes, while marching in parallel would lead to less reinforcement. Moving too fast leads to supply shortage.  Procrastinating leads to missed opportunities. In less than a thousand miles, we would run out of food. The horses and men would be starved, and the ancient law says, ‘Sending troops far away, and you let them be captured.’ That’s why I say we shouldn’t attack.”

    Wang Hui countered, “That’s not the case. When I suggest attacking, it doesn’t mean an all-out invasion. We will go along with the greed of the Chanyu and lure him to our borders. Then, we’ll select elite cavalry and strong warriors to lay in ambush. We’ll examine the difficult terrains and use them as strategic positions for attacking the enemy. We’ll have our forces established and stationed to encircle him. Once ready, we’ll block him from the left, the right, the front, and the back. We can capture the Chanyu, and a complete victory is inevitable.” 

    The Emperor agreed with Wang Hui‘s plan.

    In June of summer, The Emperor appointed Han Anguo, the Grand Master of Censerate, as the General Guards the Army, Commandant of the Court Guard–Li Guang, as the General of Agile Cavalry, the Grand Coachman, Gongsun He, as the General of Light Chariots, the Grand Usher Wang Hui as the General of Stationed Troops, and Grandee of Palace Li Xi as the General of Infantry. These generals were tasked with leading over 300,000 cavalry, chariots and infantry to hide in the valley near Ma’yi, preparing to ambush the Xiongnu. They secretly made a plan to launch an attack as soon as  the Xiongnu entered Ma’yi.

    They also sent Nie Yi as a double agent to the Xiongnu, promising to deliver the surrender of Ma’yi and the capture of its officials. Nie Yi executed criminals and placed their heads under the walls of Ma’yi. Nie Yi sent a message to the Xiongnu emissary: “The officials of Ma’yi were dead. Come soon!”  Xiongnu Chanyu led his forces and crossed the border into the Wuzhou Pass. However, as they advanced, they encountered empty pastures without anyone herding livestock. They continued to advance and reached a garrison where they captured a staff of Commandant of Yanmen.  The captive told the Chanyu where the Han forces were positioned as they were about to execute him.

    Surprised by this revelation, Xiongnu Chanyu exclaimed, “I had my suspicions!” and decided to retreat. He considered the capture of the Han staff officer as divine revelation, and named him “the king of heaven”.

    News of the Xiongnu‘s retreat reached the Han forces, who stopped their pursuit. Wang Hui led a separate unit to attack the Xiongnu‘s baggage train but also retreated when they heard that the chieftain had returned and its force was strong.

    The Emperor was furious with Wang Hui. Wang Hui argued: “Initially, the plan was to lure the Xiongnu into Ma’yi and engage them in a battle. Simultaneously, I was to attack their supply train, hoping to gain an advantage. However, when the Xiongnu chieftain did not arrive and instead retreated, my 30,000 soldiers were no-match to Chanyu’s large forces and an attack would add insult to injury.  I decided to return to Ma’yi and face beheading. At least I preserved the lives of 30,000 soldiers for Your Majesty.” Nevertheless, Wang Hui‘s case was brought before the Minister of Justice. The Justice Minister ruled that Wang Hui wavered and missed the opportunity, and sentenced him to death.

    Wang Hui bribed the Chancellor Tian Fen with a thousand caddies of gold. Tian Fen didn’t dare to speak to The Emperor directly. Instead, he shared his opinion with the Empress Dowager, his elder sister. The Empress Dowager, in turn, informed the Emperor of Tian Fen‘s concerns: “Wang Hui was the proponent of the battle of Ma’yi.  If we kill Wang Hui for failure to capture Chanyu, we are doing the bidding of the Xiongnu.” 

    The Emperor responded: “Wang Hui had been the one who initiated the campaign, and his actions had led to the mobilization of a large army. Even though their main objective was not achieved, Wang Hui‘s attack on the Xiongnu‘s baggage train would have helped to soothe the discontent among the soldiers and the gentry. Without punishing Wang Hui, I would not be able to appease the rest of the empire.” Wang Hui heard the verdict and committed suicide.

    Thereafter, the Xiongnu broke off the marriage alliance, assailed the frontier passes, and made frequent incursions into the Han territory, their raids beyond number. Yet they remained covetous of the border markets, delighting in trade and craving the Han goods. The Han people, too, kept the markets open, thereby meeting their needs.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 138): Ji An, Mr. Insensitive

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 9 Scroll 17 (continued)

    Minyue(Fujian Province), Nanyue(Guangdong, China; Vietnam)

    The 6th year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (135 B.C. continued)

    At that time, the Han forces had already set forth on their southern campaign, though they had yet to cross the mountain passes. The King of Minyue, Zōu Yīng, mustered his troops to resist. But his younger brother, Zōu Yǔshān, secretly plotted with his kinsmen and ministers: “The king raised arms against Nanyue without first petitioning the Son of Heaven; for this offense the Han army now comes to chastise us. Their forces are vast and mighty. Should we by chance repel them, they will only return in greater numbers, and our state shall be utterly destroyed. Now, if we slay the king to placate the Han emperor, and he accepts our submission, the army may withdraw and our state be preserved. But if he refuses, then we shall fight to the last. And if defeat befalls us, we shall flee across the seas.”

    All present assented to this counsel. Thereupon, they took up a short spear and slew the king. They then dispatched an envoy bearing his severed head to the Grand Herald, Wáng Huī.

    When Grand Herald Wáng Huī received the severed head of the King of Minyue, he said, “Our expedition was undertaken to punish the king. Now that his head has been delivered, our purpose is fulfilled without bloodshed—this is the most fortunate outcome.” Thereupon, Wáng Huī notified the forces under the Minister of Agriculture, Hán Ānguó, and dispatched an envoy to the capital, bearing the head of Zōu Yīng to report to the Son of Heaven.

    The Emperor issued a decree recalling both generals and their armies, saying, “The principal offender, Zōu Yīng, is no more. Of his kin, only the Lord Yáo, Zōu Chóu, grandson of King Wǔzhū, took no part in the conspiracy.” He then dispatched a General of the Household as his envoy to appoint Zōu Chóu as King Yáo, thus continuing the ancestral rites of Minyue.

    Meanwhile, Zōu Yǔshān, having slain Zōu Yīng, seized command of Minyue and won the support of the people. He proclaimed himself King of Minyue. The Emperor judged it unnecessary to mount another campaign, and declared: “Though Zōu Yǔshān conspired with Zōu Yīng in rebellion, he later slew the traitor and thereby spared the army from battle.” In recognition, the Emperor enfeoffed Zōu Yǔshān as King of East Yuè, allowing him to reign alongside Zōu Chóu, King Yáo of Minyue.

    The Son of Heaven dispatched Zhuāng Zhū to convey his will to the King of Nanyue, Zhào Hu. The king received the envoy with deference, prostrating himself and declaring, “The Emperor has raised troops to chastise Minyue; I shall devote my life to repay this favor and virtue!” He thereupon sent his crown prince to serve in the palace guard and said to Zhuāng Zhū, “Our state has only just emerged from the turmoil of invasion. The envoy is prepared, and Zhào Hu makes daily preparations to journey north to pay homage at court.”

    Zhuāng Zhū took his leave. On his return, he passed through Huáinán, whereupon the Emperor again dispatched him to present the circumstances of the Minyue campaign to the Prince of Huáinán, Liú Ān, and to commend his earlier counsel. Liú Ān respectfully received the imperial message, giving thanks and confessing that his advice had been inferior to the Emperor’s judgment.

    After Zhuāng Zhū departed from Nanyue, the ministers of the southern court said to their king, “The Han raised arms to punish Zōu Yīng, and the reverberations have reached even our borders. Formerly, the late king often said, ‘When serving the Son of Heaven, it is sufficient to maintain proper rites and decorum.’ More than this is unwise. Be not beguiled by the pleasing words of envoys—for if you go to court, you may never return, and our state could be lost.”

    Thereafter, King Zhào Hu claimed illness and never proceeded to an audience with the Emperor.

    That same year, Hán Ānguó was appointed Grand Master of the Censorate.

    Ji An of Pǔyáng, formerly Commandant of Dōnghǎi Commandery, was appointed as Commandant for the management of the nobility registers. In his early service, Ji An held the post of internuncio. Known for his stern disposition and uncompromising conduct, he was feared by his peers.

    When strife erupted among the Eastern Yuè tribes, the Emperor dispatched Ji An to investigate. Yet Ji An returned from Commandery without reaching his destination, saying, “The internecine conflict of the Yuè reflects their native customs. It is unworthy of tainting the Emperor’s authority.”

    Later, a great fire broke out in Hénán, destroying over a thousand dwellings. The Emperor again sent Ji An to inquire into the matter. Upon his return, he reported, “It was but an ordinary fire, spreading from a single household to several others—not cause for alarm. However, while passing through Hénán, I observed tens of thousands afflicted by flood and drought. In desperation, some parents had turned to cannibalism. I therefore took it upon myself to open the state granaries and distribute grain to relieve their suffering. I now return the authority to Your Majesty and stand ready to receive punishment for acting in your stead.”

    The Emperor commended Ji An’s compassion and absolved him of any fault.

    During his administration in Dōnghǎi commandery, Ji An governed with restraint and simplicity, favoring the Taoism of non-intervention over rigid legalism. He appointed worthy subordinates, entrusted them with full responsibilities, and did not burden the administration with trifling matters, attending only to what was essential.

    However, Ji An was blunt in speech and lacking in courtesy, intolerant of others’ failings and often causing embarrassment in public discourse. When the Emperor once summoned scholars and men of talent to court, he expressed a desire to initiate new policies, saying, “I wish to do such and such.” Ji An replied, “Your Majesty conceals ambition beneath a guise of benevolence and virtue. Why don’t you really learn to govern like the ancient sages Yáo and Shùn?”

    At this, the Emperor fell silent and departed the court in anger, leaving ministers and courtiers in dread.

    Later, the Emperor spoke with his attendants, saying, “Ji An is obstinate beyond reason and wholly lacking in tact!”

    When some courtiers rebuked Ji An for his words, he replied, “The Emperor appoints ministers to serve as remonstrators. If they merely flatter his desires, how will the realm be justly ruled? I hold this office not to preserve myself, but to uphold righteousness. If I remain silent out of fear, would that not dishonor the court?”

    Ji An, long afflicted by illness, had taken extended leave from office, exceeding three months. The Emperor, mindful of his service, repeatedly prolonged his furlough, yet Ji An’s condition showed no improvement. In the end, as his final illness took hold, Zhuāng Zhù requested leave on Ji An’s behalf.

    The Emperor inquired, “What manner of man is Ji An of Pǔyáng?”

    Zhuāng Zhù replied, “When in office, Ji An does not exceed his station with ostentation. But if entrusted with the guardianship of a young sovereign, or withholding a besieged city, he will neither be swayed by enticement nor retreat at dismissal. In such matters, not even gallants like Mèng Bēn or Xià Yu could overcome him.”

    The Emperor sighed and said, “Indeed, the ancients had loyal ministers, and Ji An approaches their measure.”

    At that time, the Xiōngnú came forth with a request for peace through heqin—marriage alliance. The Emperor, weighing the matter, summoned counsels. The Grand Herald Wáng Huī, hailed from Yān, versed in frontier affairs, opposed the proposal, “In past times, the Han court entered into marriage pacts with the Xiōngnú, yet not long after, they betrayed the covenant and resumed their raids. Their pledges are hollow; it is better to gird our defenses and prepare for war.”

    On the other hand, Hán Ānguó urged acceptance of the proposal: “The Xiōngnú are a nomadic people, fleet as birds in migration, and long unbound by any sovereign’s yoke. Should we send troops across a thousand li in contest for gain, the cost in men and horses would be ruinous. In such terrain, the Xiōngnú possess mastery. This is a perilous road. It is better to pacify them by alliance and avoid entanglement in a distant war.”

    The court was divided in counsel, yet a majority inclined toward Han Ānguó’s view. Thus, the Son of Heaven consented to the treaty and accepted the peace by marriage.

    The 1st year of the Emperor Wu’s Yuan’guang Era (134 B.C.)

    In November of winter, an edict was proclaimed, directing each commandery and principality to put forth one candidate as exemplar of Filial Piety and Incorruptibility, in accordance with the counsel of Dong Zhongshu.

    Li Guang, Commandant of the Court Guard, was appointed General of Agile Cavalry and posted to Yunzhong. Cheng Bushi, Commandant of the Capital Guard, was made General of Chariots and Cavalry and dispatched to Yanmen. In June, both were relieved of command.

    Li Guang and Cheng Bushi had gained renown during their tenures as prefects of border commanderies. Li Guang commanded his troops without rigid formation. The army encamped where water and pasture were abundant. Each man was left to attend to his own needs. No sentries patrolled the perimeter by night, and official registers were kept in simple form. Yet scouts were dispatched without fail, and the camp was never taken by surprise.

    Cheng Bushi, by contrast, upheld the formalities of military order. His troops drilled by formation; records were kept with precision. Camps were set with strict guard, and sentinels made their rounds through the night. Officers and soldiers were meticulously documented; the army seldom knew rest. Yet his ranks, too, were never assailed.

    Cheng Bushi remarked, “Li Guang’s troops are light and unencumbered. The Xiongnu dare to trespass but find no means to strike. His soldiers rejoice in their freedom and are ready to die for him. My army is bound by order and appears burdened, yet the Xiongnu do not dare test us.”

    Indeed, the Xiongnu feared Li Guang’s unorthodox methods. Yet the soldiers of Cheng Bushi were less enthusiastic in their service.

    Sima Guang’s Commentary: The Book of Changes states: “The army must go forth under strict discipline; without it, there is no auspicious outcome.” This teaches that the management of multitudes without observance of disciplines leads inevitably to disorder.

    Li Guang’s manner of command—permitting each man to act at his own discretion—may have suited a man of singular talent. Yet such a method cannot be set forth as a general model. Why so? Because it is rare to find one of equal caliber to succeed him, and still rarer to find many generals alike in virtue and capability.

    The disposition of the common man is to pursue ease and disregard hidden danger. Freed from the rigor of Cheng Bushi’s governance, they would readily take joy in Li Guang’s leniency. But such liberty also breeds resentment and disobedience. When indulgence reigns, disorder follows. Thus, the peril of a lax and simple system lies not only in the diminished vigilance of Li Guang’s troops, but also in deeper unrest.

    It is said: “Military affairs require strictness to the end.” Those who take command must be resolute and unwavering. To emulate Cheng Bushi may yield no immediate glory, yet it is less prone to ruin. To adopt the ways of Li Guang may seem effective, but more often ends in misfortune.

    In April of summer, a general amnesty was proclaimed across the empire.

    In May, an imperial edict ordered the commanderies and principalities to recommend men of worth and erudition. These the Son of Heaven would examine in person.

    On July 29 in autumn, there was a solar eclipse.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 137): The Hazard of Campaigns against Yue

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 9 Scroll 17 (continued)

    The Prince of Huainan, Liu An’s Book, Huainanzi

    The 6th year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (135 B.C.)

    On February 3 of the spring, a fire occurred at the Shrine of Emperor Gaozu in Liáodōng commandery, causing damage.

    On April 21 of the summer, a fire broke out at the side house in Emperor Gaozu’s tomb. As a result, the Emperor wore plain mourning clothes for five days.

    On May 26, the Grand Empress Dowager Dou passed away.

    On June 3, the Chancellor Xu Chang was dismissed from office. Marquis Wu’an, Tian Fen, was appointed as Chancellor.

    Tian Fen was spendthrift and self-indulgent. He built vast mansions that outclassed any other residence; his manors were the most fecund. The carriages bearing tribute from the counties and commanderies crowded before his gates. He accepted bribes from across the realm, and his household overflowed with treasures, concubines, hounds, steeds, and musicians, the luxuries beyond reckoning. When presenting memorials to the Emperor, he would discourse from morning till night, and all he spoke was approved. Those whom he recommended swiftly rose to ranks as high as two-thousand-piculs, and his influence came to surpass that of the throne.

    The Emperor once complained to him, “All the ministers have been appointed by you; I had wished to make some appointments myself.” When Tian Fen petitioned for land from the imperial armory to expand his mansion, the Emperor grew angry, saying, “Why don’t you take the entire armory for yourself?” After this, Tian Fen restrained his conduct somewhat.

    In August of autumn, a comet appeared in the east, its tail stretching across the sky.

    In this same year, the King of Minyue, Zou Ying, raised an army and attacked the borderlands of Nanyue. The King of Nanyue, mindful of his allegiance to the Emperor, dared not raise troops without imperial authorization and dispatched an envoy to submit a memorial reporting the matter.

    The Emperor, moved by his loyalty, resolved to act. He ordered the Grand Herald, Wang Hui, to set forth from Yuzhang Commandery, and the Minister of Agriculture, Han Anguo, to march from Kuaiji Commandery, each commanding forces to chastise Minyue.

    At this time, the Prince of Huainan, Liu An, memorialized to remonstrate:

    “Your Majesty, who reigns over all under Heaven, has extended benevolence and nurtured virtue. Within the seas, all is at peace, and the people live in harmony. Throughout your reign, there has been no turmoil or disorder. Now I hear that officials propose to raise an army to chastise Minyue, and I, your humble subject, am compelled to offer my counsel.

    Yuè is an outer land, inhabited by those who cut their hair and tattoo their bodies. They do not submit to the codes and customs of the Middle Kingdom. Since the days of the Three Dynasties, the Nomads and Yuè have never willingly adopted our calendar and rites. It was not that the Three Dynasties lacked strength to subdue them, but rather that these peoples dwell in inhospitable places and pursue ways intractable to governance.

    “Since the founding of Han, seventy-two years have passed. Though conflicts among the Yuè have been numerous, the Son of Heaven has never campaigned personally against them. Their lands lack walled cities and ordered towns; they live in valleys and among bamboo groves, skilled in river warfare and adept at boat-fighting. Their terrain is dense with forests and cut by treacherous waters; to one ignorant of the land, one hundred soldiers from the Middle Kingdom would scarcely match one of theirs. Those who seize their territory cannot establish counties and commanderies; those who attack cannot gain swift victories. The strategic passes and rivers, though appearing close on a map, span hundreds and thousands of miles in truth. Many routes are unrecorded and unknown. Though the path seems near, it is exceedingly difficult.

    “Now, by the blessings of the ancestral temples, all under Heaven enjoys peace. Men grow old and grey without knowing warfare; fathers, sons, and wives live in security. This is due to Your Majesty’s virtue. Yuè is named a vassal only in empty words. They offer no tribute, no sacrifices; they do not provide soldiers for the army. Their internal strife is constant. If Your Majesty now dispatches forces to intervene in their squabbles, it would exhaust the wealth of the Middle Kingdom for the sake of barbarians.

    “Moreover, the Yuè are rash and fickle, ignorant of propriety, prone to breaking faith. If whenever they disobey, we raise armies to punish them, then campaigns will be endless, and the soldiers of the empire will know no rest.”

    “Of late, the realm has suffered successive years of poor harvests and famine. People have sold their titles and married away their sons into in-law’s households merely to sustain themselves. Only through Your Majesty’s benevolence and relief efforts so that the ditches and valleys have not been filled with corpses. Yet it has been four years of failed crops, and now a fifth year with the scourge of locusts. The people’s vitality has not yet recovered.

    “Now to raise an army to march thousands of miles, to bear clothing and provisions over rugged terrain, to carry litters over mountains and drag boats across rivers, traversing countless valleys choked with dense forests and bamboo, would impose untold hardship. Soldiers would journey across hundreds and thousands of li, striking against rocks in the water, threading through woods rife with venomous serpents and fierce beasts. In the sweltering summer, fevers, dysenteries, and pestilences will inevitably follow. Even before encountering the enemy, deaths and injuries will be many.

    “In former days, when the King of Nanhai(Zhi) rebelled, Your Majesty’s subject, my late father, dispatched the general Jian Ji to lead an expedition. Though some among the Nanhai forces defected and surrendered, and were thereafter resettled in the upstream of Ganshui River, the Han forces withdrew without deep incursion, yet later, rebellion revived. That summer happened to be very hot and rainy, and many of our naval troops, confined aboard ship for months, succumbed to waterborne diseases before they ever faced battle. Without fighting, more than half perished. The old mourned, orphans wailed, households were broken, estates left desolate. Families had to journey a thousand li to collect the bones of their dead, wrapping them for burial and bringing them home. Their grief and lamentations have endured for years without ceasing. Even now, elders recall those sorrows.

    “All this befell us though our forces had not yet entered enemy lands.

    “Your Majesty’s virtue matches Heaven and Earth, your light shines like the Sun and Moon, your benevolence extends to the grass and trees, and you are grieved when even a single soul endures hunger or cold or is cut short before their appointed years. Yet now, with no hounds barking at the borders, no clamor of arms within the seas, Your Majesty would send tens of thousands to perish in the wilderness, to stain the mountains and rivers with blood, to expose their corpses to sun and carrion birds. Border towns will bolt their gates at dusk and hesitate to open them at dawn, and the people at sunrise will not know what disaster may befall them at sunset.

    “I, your humble servant, bow low and beg that Your Majesty weigh this matter again.”

    “Those unacquainted with the terrain of the southern reaches often assume that the Yuè tribes are numerous, their armies formidable, and thus a threat to our border cities. Yet in the days when Huáinán remained whole, before it was partitioned into three polities, I was acquainted with many who held office near the frontier. From them I learned that the land there differs markedly from that of the Middle Kingdom. Lofty mountains mark the bounds, where human footprints are scarce and the passage of chariots is hindered—thus do Heaven and Earth place a barrier between the inner realm and the outer wilds.

    “When the Yuè tribes venture northward into the Middle Kingdom, they must first descend to the basin of the Lǐng River. There, mountain torrents surge through precipitous gorges, strewn with tumbling rocks that may shatter vessels. Provisions cannot be conveyed downstream in large boats; the route is treacherous and impassable for loaded craft.

    “Should the Minyue harbor designs of mischief, they must first cultivate fields and amass grain at Yúgan County. Only then may they approach the border, fell timber, and fashion boats. Yet the defenses of the frontier cities are ever watchful. When the Minyue cross the boundary and commence logging, our garrisons promptly seize them and set fire to their storehouses. However many their number, what force can they muster against fortified cities?

    “Moreover, the Yuè people are of lean frame and want capable commanders. They possess neither cavalry nor chariot legions, and they are unskilled in the arts of crossbow and siege. Though invulnerable to conquest owing to the defenses of their rugged terrain, they themselves are ill-suited for campaigns in the Middle Kingdom, whose climate and customs lie beyond their ken.

    “It is said that the Yuè commanded several hundred thousand armed men. Yet to subdue them, an invading host must outnumber them fivefold, and this reckoning omits those tasked with bearing provisions. The southern climes are sultry and damp. With the approach of summer, the heat intensifies, pestilence thrives, and fevers spread unchecked. Exposure to the marshes, to serpents and noxious vapors, afflicts the troops. Long before engaging the enemy, sickness fell them; oft one in ten, or even one in five, perish before a battle is fought. Even were the whole of Yuè to be taken, with its lands and its people, it would not suffice to balance the loss in men.

    “It is said that after the King of Yuè was slain by his own brother, a man named Jia, the traitor was swiftly put to death, and the Yuè tribes have since lacked a sovereign. If Your Majesty desires to receive them into the fold, you may summon them to the Middle Kingdom, appoint worthy ministers to oversee their affairs, extend to them the warmth of virtue, and bestow upon them generous rewards. In so doing, they shall surely bring their elders and their young to submit themselves beneath your benevolent governance.

    “If they cannot be employed directly, it would be fitting to establish a surviving scion of their royal line as a lord, thereby preserving the name of their fallen state. Grant him a title, endow him with lands, and keep him as the guardian of the Yuè people. In return, they will of their own accord offer hostages to the court, and for generations will render tribute and pay their dues. With but a seal of a square inch and a silken ribbon twelve feet long, Your Majesty shall rule the distant regions without the march of armies or the clash of arms; and your virtue shall resound beyond the borders of civilization.

    “But should arms be raised and troops dispatched into their territory, alarm will spread like wildfire. The Yuè tribes will believe the generals mean to exterminate them, and they will flee into the forests and mountains, evading capture. When the army withdraws, they will reassemble and return. Should we garrison troops and maintain a permanent force in their land, over the years our strength will dwindle, our grain stores will be depleted, and the people shall suffer under the weight of war. Disorder will take root, and lawless bands shall rise.

    “It is said that in the time of the Qin, Commandant Túsuī led troops against the Yuè, while Supervisor Lu oversaw the digging of a canal to open a passage. The Yuè fled into remote mountain fastnesses where the army could not follow. Qin forces remained encamped for many months, the soldiers grew weary and dispirited. When the Yuè launched their counterattack, the Qin army was crushed, and reinforcements had to be summoned. This, coupled with unrest within the realm, gave rise to great panic and caused a tide of refugees. In the east of Mount Xiāo, uprisings began to stir. Such are the perils of war—it brings calamity in all directions. I fear that if we proceed down this path, disorder will be sown, wickedness awakened, and great trouble will follow.

    “I have heard that the Son of Heaven embarks on conquests, but not wars—that is, his virtue is such that none dare oppose him. Yet if, in this endeavor, a single man—be he porter or cart-driver—fails to return in safety, even should the head of the Yuè King be taken, I would feel profound shame on behalf of the Han.

    “Your Majesty’s dominion extends to the Four Seas; all living things fall under your protection. Your kindness and generosity shall become the enduring blessing of the people and the legacy of future generations. The peace and security of the realm are as weighty as Mount Tài, bound fast by cords drawn from all directions. What worth is there in the land of the barbarians, that it should merit the sweat and blood of Han soldiers?

    “As it is written in the Book of Songs: ‘The king is majestic and radiant; afar, the people come to him.’ Thus is the power of benevolent rule—that even those in distant lands offer themselves in submission. In my humble judgment, to send a hundred thousand troops under generals and officers is to do the work of a mere envoy.”

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 136): Jester Dongfang Shuo And Poet Sima Xiangru

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 9 Scroll 17 (continued)

    Dongfang Shuo, National Palace Museum

    The 3rd year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (138 B.C. continued)

    On September 30, there was a solar eclipse.

    Since his accession, the Emperor was diligent in seeking out scholars and men of talent from all quarters of the realm, promoting them without regard to birth or station. Scholars from the four corners of the empire submitted memorials, setting forth their views and censures; those who came forward by self-promotion numbered in the thousands.

    The Emperor reviewed them with care, advancing those of superior talent and discernment. Among the first to be distinguished was Zhuang Zhu. Thereafter came Zhu Maichen of Wu, Yuqiu Shouwang of Zhao, Sima Xiangru of Shu, Dongfang Shuo of Pingyuan, Mei Gao of Wu, and Zhong Jun of Jinan. These men were given places near the throne and frequently engaged in disputes with the ministers.

    In debates of policy, the courtiers and ministers often contended fiercely, yet time and again the ministers were vanquished by the eloquence and polemic of the courtiers.

    Of these men, Sima Xiangru was renowned for his mastery of rhetoric and his excellence in composing poetry, and he thereby won great favor with the Emperor. Dongfang Shuo and Mei Gao, though their words did not adhere to the orthodox teachings of the Classics, were famed for their wit and mirth. The Emperor retained them at court to amuse and delight, granting them honors yet entrusting them with few affairs of state.

    Nevertheless, Dongfang Shuo, astute in discerning the Emperor’s mood, would on occasion speak with blunt remonstrance, thus lending his aid to the governance of the realm.

    In this year, the Emperor began to journey in secret, traveling incognito. To the north he reached Chiyang County, to the west he visited the Huangshan Palace, to the south he hunted at Changyang Palace, and to the east he toured Yichun Palace. At the gates of the palaces, he would often compete in archery with his attendants. Setting out under cover of night, he would declare himself to be the Marquis of Pingyang.

    At daybreak, he would descend into the southern foothills, hunting deer, wild boar, foxes, and rabbits, galloping his horse across cultivated fields. The common folk, seeing him pass, cursed and shouted after him. Local officials of Hu County and Du County attempted to apprehend him, but when shown the imperial tokens, they permitted him to proceed.

    Once, when he arrived at Bogu village, he lodged at an inn. He asked the innkeeper for boiled water, but the innkeeper, wary and suspicious, replied, “There is no boiled water here, only urine.” Taking the Emperor for a brigand, he gathered a band of young men to accost him.

    The innkeeper’s wife, an aged woman, observed the Emperor’s bearing and said, “This guest is no common man. He watches and listens keenly. We must not offend him.”

    Her husband did not heed her words. The woman then plied him with alcohol; when he was drunk, she bound him fast. The young men, dismayed, dispersed and fled. The woman slaughtered a chicken and served it to the Emperor.

    At dawn, the Emperor returned to the inn, summoned the woman before him, and rewarded her with one thousand catties of gold. He also appointed her husband as an officer in the Feathered Forest Guard.

    Thereafter, he quietly established resting stations along his route, setting twelve posts from Xuanqu Palace southward. He would often lodge by night at Changyan Palace, Wuzuo Palace, and other imperial villas.

    The Emperor, perceiving the hardships caused by his frequent journeys and hunting excursions, and the weariness endured by the people, commanded the Grandee of the Palace, Yuqiu Shouwang, to survey the fields and plan the establishment of a vast imperial park, to be named Shanglin Park. Its bounds lay south of EPang, east of Zhouzhi, west of Yichun Palace, and extended to the foot of the Southern Mountain.

    At the same time, he ordered the Intendant of the Capital and the Ministers of the Interior, for the Left and Right Adjuncts, to register the wastelands and to arrange the resettlement of the displaced households of Hu and Du counties.

    Yuqiu Shouwang, charged with this task, submitted his memorial, which greatly pleased the Emperor. Yet Dongfang Shuo, who was present at court, spoke in remonstrance:

    “The Southern Mountain is the vital throat of the empire. At the founding of the Han, the regions of Sanhe were abandoned, and the land west of the Bashui and Chan rivers was secured. The capital was established south of the Jing and Wei rivers—this now forms the heartland of the realm. It was from this base that Qin subdued the western tribes and extended dominion eastward beyond Mount Xiao.

    “The Southern Mountain yields jade, gold, silver, copper, iron, and fine timber. The artisans of the empire rely upon these resources; countless people derive their livelihood from them. The plains produce millet and rice, pears and chestnuts, mulberries, hemp, and arrow bamboo. Ginger and taro flourish; the waters teem with frogs and fish. Even the lowliest peasant finds here sufficient means to ward off hunger and cold.

    “The lands from Feng—the ancient capital of King Wen of Zhou—to Hao—the capital of King Wu of Zhou—were famed as ‘black soil,’ and the price of land there was one piece of gold per mu(Chinese acre).

    “Now, to seize this rich and fertile land for the sake of an imperial park is to strip the state of its treasures, despoil the livelihood of the people, and imperil the prosperity of the realm. This is the first reason why such a course must not be taken.

    “Moreover, the plan would turn vast stretches of the Southern Mountains into a wilderness of brambles and thickets, a domain for foxes and hares, and transform the dwellings of the people into dens of tigers and wolves. Even the tombs of the ancestors and the altars of the spirits would be trampled and defiled. The young and the old alike would be plunged into grief. This is the second reason such a course is ill-advised.

    “Furthermore, the design calls for enclosing the land with embankments and barriers, to permit horses to gallop and chariots to race about, unmindful of the deep gullies and hidden pits, where a moment’s carelessness could lead to disaster. A fleeting pleasure would be bought at boundless cost. This is the third reason it must not be done.

    “In antiquity, the construction of extravagant palaces brought ruin: the Nine Market Palace of the Yin(Shang) led to the revolt of the feudal lords; King Ling’s building of the Zhanghua Terrace stirred rebellion among the people of Chu; the erection of the Epang Palace by Qin hastened the downfall of the empire.

    “I, a dull servant, lower than dust and filth, yet dare to oppose the sacred wishes of Your Majesty. My offense merits death!”

    The Emperor, moved by Dongfang Shuo’s eloquence and boldness, appointed him Grandee of the Palace and Palace Steward, and bestowed upon him a reward of one hundred catties of gold.

    Nevertheless, despite Dongfang Shuo’s remonstrance, the Emperor proceeded according to Yuqiu Shouwang’s proposal and established the Shanglin Park.

    The Emperor delighted in the pursuit of bears and wild boars, often giving chase to these fierce beasts. Sima Xiangru submitted a memorial of remonstrance:

    “I, your humble subject, have heard that among creatures of the same kind, there exist differences in ability. Wu Huo is famed for his strength, Qingji for his agility, and brave men are likened to Meng Ben and Xia Yu. If among men such distinctions exist, how much more so among beasts?

    “Now, Your Majesty hunts amid rugged mountains and treacherous terrain, pursuing ferocious beasts. Should you encounter a creature of unusual prowess, pressed into a place without escape, it may, in its desperation, turn against the cavalcade. In such narrow straits, the chariots would find no passage, nor would the guards have space to deploy their skill. Even if Your Majesty possessed the strength of Wu Huo or the archery of Pang Meng, it would avail nothing amidst toppled trees and rotting stumps.

    “This situation is analogous to that the Xiongnu and Yue people emerged in the capital, while the Qiang and Yi people clung to the axles of the imperial carriage—what greater peril could there be? Though all may seem secure, it is no place fit for the Son of Heaven. It is better to keep to cleared roads and advance with caution. Even along the open paths, there is danger of broken harness; how much more amid dense thickets and uneven ground?

    “To delight in the hunt while disregarding hidden perils invites disaster. To carry lightly the burden of a realm of ten thousand chariots, and to take pleasure in hazards, even if the chance of misfortune be but one in ten thousand, is folly. I, your humble servant, beseech Your Majesty to reconsider. The wise perceive danger before it arises; the prudent avoid harm not yet manifest. Calamity often hides in seeming trifles, and disaster strikes when least expected. Thus, it is said among the common folk: ‘He who has amassed a thousand pieces of gold dares not sit beneath eaves.’ Though a simple saying, it holds a profound truth.”

    The Emperor accepted the advice with favor.

    The 4th year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (137 B.C.)

    In the summer, there was a wind that appeared red like blood.

    In the sixth month, there was a drought.

    In September of autumn, there was a meteor that appeared to explode in the northeast.

    In this year, King of Nanyue, Zhao Tuo, passed away, and he was succeeded by his grandson, King Wen of Nanyue, Zhao Hu(a.k.a. Zhao Mo).

    The 5th year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (136 B.C.)

    In the spring of this year, the three-zhu coins were discontinued, and five-zhu (half-tael) coins were put into circulation. 

    Five scholars were appointed as Erudite of the Five Classics.

    In May of the summer, there was a severe locust plague.

    During August of the autumn, Prince Hui of Guangchuan, Liu Yue and Prince Ai of Qinghe, Liu Sheng both passed away without leaving heirs, leading to the dissolution of their respective principalities.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 135): The Lineage of Wei Qing

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 9 Scroll 17 (continued)

    Empress Chen Jiao And Wei Zifu, by Xiang Li

    The 2nd year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (139 B.C. continued)

    After Dou Ying and Tian Fen were removed from their positions, they retired to their respective homes. Although Tian Fen held no official role, he remained close to Empress Dowager Wang and continued to exert considerable influence. Many scholars and officials who sought power and favor left Dou Ying to assemble under Tian Fen, thereby enhancing his predominance.

    On February 1 of the spring, there was a solar eclipse.

    On March 20, Marquis of Baizhi, Xu Chang, who served as the Minister of Ceremonies, was appointed as the Chancellor.

    Initially, the Marquis of Tangyi, Chen Wu, was married to the Emperor’s paternal aunt, Princess Guantao, Liu Piao. Princess Guantao held considerable influence in the designation of Crown Prince to Liu Che. She arranged for her daughter to marry the Emperor when he became Crown Prince, and later, when he ascended the throne, this daughter became the Empress Chen.

    Princess Guantao, feeling secure in her position due to her merit, sought various privileges and made endless demands, which concerned the Emperor greatly. The Empress Chen was proud and jealous, monopolizing his affections, but she was unable to bear children despite spending an enormous amount of money on medical care, nine hundred million coins, in pursuit of an heir. Unfortunately, her efforts were in vain, and her favor with the Emperor began to wane.

    Empress Dowager Wang, the Emperor’s mother, warned him about the delicate situation: “You have just ascended the throne, and the senior ministers have not yet fully pledged their allegiance. The construction of the Mingtang has already angered Grand Empress Dowager Dou, and now you’ve crossed the Princess Guantao. You risk incurring grave displeasure from powerful women. Women’s feelings are fickle; you must tread carefully!”

    The Emperor, heeding wise counsel, extended more grace to Princess Guantao and Empress Chen.

    In the course of a journey to the Bashang, the Emperor stopped by his eldest sister Princess Pingyang’s house, where he was entertained by a singer named Wei Zifu and liked her. Her mother had once served as a maid to Princess Pingyang. Princess Pingyang then presented her to the palace. Wei Zifu soon found favor in the Emperor’s eyes and was held in high esteem. When Empress Chen became aware of this, she was seized by jealousy and, in her despair, made repeated attempts upon her own life. Her conduct bred resentment in the Emperor’s heart and widened the rift between them.

    Wei Zifu’s younger brother by the same mother was Wei Qing. Wei Qing’s father, Zheng Ji, had formerly held a minor office in Pingyang County, in the service of the Marquis of Pingyang (Princess Pingyang’s husband). Having engaged in illicit relations with a maid in the Marquis of Pingyang’s household, Maid Wei(Wei Zifu’s mother), he begot Wei Qing. In order to conceal this affair, the child was given the surname Wei.

    As he came of age, Wei Qing entered service as a cavalryman serving the Marquis of Pingyang as a slave. In time, however, misfortune befell him: Princess Guantao had him seized and intended to put him to death. His friend, the royal horseman Gongsun Ao, gathered several stout men and broke into the Princess’s quarters, rescued Wei Qing. When this was reported to the Emperor, he summoned Wei Qing to the court, appointed him Director of the Jianzhang Palace, and conferred upon him the title of Palace Attendant. Over the span of several days, Weiqing was bestowed with thousands of gold coins.

    In time, the Emperor elevated Wei Zifu to the rank of Madame, and Wei Qing was promoted to Grandee of the Palace.

    In April of summer, a star appeared, shining as brightly as the sun, visible even in the night.

    At that time, Maoling Township, the site of the Imperial Mausoleum, was first established.

    Many ministers memorialized, contending that Chao Cuo‘s policies had been unjustly criticized as oppressive. Seeking to further diminish the power of the feudal lords, they incessantly reported the faults of the princes, magnified their misdeeds, seized upon minor offenses, and flogged the subordinates to implicate their masters. None among the feudal lords were free from grief and resentment.

    The 3rd year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (138 B.C.)

    In the tenth month of winter, Liu Deng, Prince of Dai; Liu Fa, Prince of Changsha; Liu Sheng, Prince of Zhongshan; and Liu Ming, Prince of Jichuan, came to the capital to pay homage. The Emperor held a banquet in their honor. When Prince Liu Sheng heard the music, he wept. The Emperor inquired of the cause, and Liu Sheng replied, “Those who grieve should not be burdened with moaning, nor those who worry with untimely sighs. Now my heart has long been heavy; when I hear the music of the court, my tears flow unbidden. I have been fortunate to be placed in the eastern vassalage by Your Majesty’s side and honored with the title of imperial brother. Yet many among Your Majesty’s officials, neither bound by kinship nor entrusted with great duties, form factions, promote one another, and exclude the imperial clan. Thus blood ties melt away like ice. I grieve profoundly!” He then enumerated the misdeeds of the ministers.

    Hearing this, the Emperor bestowed greater honors upon the vassal princes, overlooking the memorials submitted by the ministers regarding the princes, and showed the princes renewed familial affection.

    The Yellow River overflowed its banks and flooded the plains.

    There was a great famine; people resorted to cannibalism.

    In July of autumn, a comet appeared in the northwest.

    Prince Liu Ming of Jichuan was accused of murdering his attendant; he was deposed and banished to Fangling.

    When the insurrections of the Seven Principalities were quelled, Liu Ju, a son of the Prince of Wu, fled to Minyue, blaming the Kingdom of Dong’ou for the death of his father. Ever harboring enmity, he urged the King of Minyue to strike at Dong’ou. The King, heeding his counsel, dispatched troops to besiege Dong’ou.

    The King of Dong’ou thereupon sent a swift envoy to the Han court, petitioning for aid. The Emperor consulted Tian Fen. Tian Fen said, “Among the states of the Yue, mutual aggression and betrayal are their constant ways. Since the time of Qin, they have been unruly and disloyal; it is not fitting that the Middle Kingdom troubles itself for their sake.”

    Zhuang Zhu spoke against this, “It is a matter of righteousness to succor the distressed. When aid is within reach, how can one refuse it? In the time when Qin fell, it was not only the Yue who forsook allegiance, but all under Heaven who rose against tyranny. Now a small state, beset by calamity, turns to us for salvation. If Your Majesty declines to assist, whither shall they turn? If such appeals are disregarded, how shall the myriad states hold to their loyalty?”

    The Emperor said, “The Grand Commandant’s counsel is of no merit. I have but newly ascended the throne; I do not wish to issue the tiger tally lightly and summon the troops of the commanderies and principalities.” Nevertheless, he dispatched Zhuang Zhu, granting him a token of authority to levy forces from Kuaiji Commandery.

    The Prefect of Kuaiji disobeyed the order and withheld his troops. Zhuang Zhu executed one of the officers of Kuaiji, a major, to manifest his resolve. Thus, with severity displayed, he raised an army and set forth by sea to relieve Dong’ou. Yet before his forces could arrive, the King of Minyue had already withdrawn his troops.

    The King of Dong’ou then memorialized the throne, requesting to relocate his people and place them under the protection of Han. The Emperor approved. Thus the King gathered his subjects and resettled them between the Yangtze and Huai Rivers.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 134): Ideology Contest

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 9 Scroll 17 (continued)

    The Tomb of The Lord Ten Thousand Picul

    The 1st year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (140 B.C. continued)

    Zhuang Zhu of Kuaiji commandery also participated in the exam, he was appointed as a Grandee of the Palace. However, Chancellor Wei Wan reported that some of the officials recommended as talents were actually promoting ideas that were disruptive to the state’s governance, such as those from the schools of Shen Buhai, Han Fei, Su Qin, and Zhang Yi. He requested that they all be removed from their positions. This request was approved by the Emperor.

    Dong Zhongshu had studied the “Spring and Autumn Annals” from a young age and served as an Erudite during the reign of Emperor Jing. He was known for his modesty, proper conduct, and adherence to ritual, and scholars held him in high regard. When he became the Prime Minister of Jiangdu, he had to serve Prince Yi(Liu Fei), who was the Emperor’s older brother. Prince Yi had a reputation for being insolent and fond of showing off his martial force and bravery. However, under the guidance of Dong Zhongshu, he began to show more respect for ritual and propriety.

    In February of spring, there was a general amnesty.

    In March, coins weighing three zhu(1/24 of a tael) were put into circulation.

    In June of the summer, the Chancellor Wei Wan was dismissed from his position. On June 7, the Marquis of Weiqi, Dou Ying, was appointed as the Chancellor, and the Marquis of Wu’an, Tian Fen, was appointed as the Grand Commandant. The Emperor had a predilection in Confucianism, and both Dou Ying and Tian Fen were apostles of Confucianism. They strongly recommended Zhao Wan of Dai as the Grand Master of Censorate, Wang Zang of Lanling as the Chamberlain. Zhao Wan suggested the construction of a Hall of Mingtang(Bright Hall) for receiving foreign envoys and recommended his mentor, Mr. Shen(Shen Pei), to the Emperor.

    In the autumn, the Emperor dispatched envoys bearing silk, jade, and carriages with secure seats drawn by four horses to summon Mr. Shen. Upon his arrival, Mr. Shen was granted audience. The Emperor, inquiring into the methods of suppressing disorder, received this reply from Mr. Shen, then over eighty years of age: “For one entrusted with governance, excessive speech is dispensable; it is essential to devote oneself to effective action.” The Emperor, then favoring literary pursuits, listened in silence. Nevertheless, in honor of Mr. Shen’s journey to the capital, he appointed him as Grand Master of the Palace.

    Mr. Shen was quartered in the official residence of the Principality of Lu and thereafter charged with the establishment of the Hall of Mingtang(Bright Hall), the conduct of imperial inspections and excursions, the reform of the calendar, and the regulation of the color and style of official robes.

    In that year, the Minister of the Interior, Ning Cheng, was convicted of a crime and punished by being shaved off his hair and shackled.

    The 2nd year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (139 B.C.)

    In October of winter, the Prince of Huainan, Liu An, came to the capital for an audience. The Emperor greatly esteemed Prince Liu An, due to his high stature as being his uncle and his exceptional intelligence. They would engage in conversation during banquets, and these discussions would often continue until late in the evening before they parted ways.

    Prince Liu An also had a close relationship with the Marquis of Wu’an, Tian Fen, who went to welcome him at Bashang. The Marquis of Wu’an said, “Our Emperor has no crown prince yet, and Sire, as a grandson of Emperor Gaozu, is renowned for your benevolence and righteousness. When the Emperor’s chariot stops running[passing away] one day, who else but Sire should rightfully stand in his place?” Prince Liu An was overjoyed and generously rewarded the Marquis of Wu’an with gold, money, and other valuables.

    At this time, Grand Empress Dowager Dou was a champion for the teachings of the HuangdiLaozi school and disfavored Confucianists. Zhao Wan, fearing her wrath, advised against presenting state affairs to the Eastern Palace where the Grand Empress Dowager resided. Grand Empress Dowager Dou was furious and exclaimed, “Is he attempting to replicate the case of Xinyuan Ping?” She secretly collected evidence of illicit conduct involving Zhao Wan and Wang Zang, which she later used to accuse them before the Emperor. Consequently, Emperor Wu halted the Mingtang(Bright Hall) project and all other initiatives that had been set in motion. Zhao Wan and Wang Zang were arrested, and both took their own lives. Chancellor Dou Ying, Grand Commandant Tian Fen were dismissed.  Even Mr. Shen retired on excuse of illness.

    Initially, during the reign of Emperor Jing, Shi fen, the Grand Tutor of the crown prince, and his four sons were all ranked officials with 2000 picul salary, collectively known as the “Lord of Ten Thousand picul”.  While the Lord of Ten-Thousand-picul lacked literary talent, he was renowned for his humility and prudence. Whenever his descendants, who had become minor officials, came to pay their respects, the Lord would receive them dressed in court attire, addressing them with their official title in lieu of their names. If any of his descendants made a mistake, he would not publicly rebuke them but walked into the side rooms, refusing to eat while sitting at the table. His sons would begin self-censure, inviting the elders to plead on their behalf, bare their backs and begged for forgiveness. Only after amending their behavior would the Lord pardon them. When his adult children or grandchildren were by his side, even at home in leasure, Shi Fen always wore his caps. During funerals that he presided over, he displayed profound grief and solemnity. The Shi Fen‘s descendants strictly adhered to his teachings, and their filial piety and respect were renowned throughout commanderies and principalities.

    Therefore, when Zhao Wan and Wang Zang were punished for their literary braggadocio, Grand Empress Dowager Dou believed that Confucian scholars were glib talkers but lacked substance. She observed that the Lord of Ten Thousand picul‘s family lived by their principles without excessive verbosity. Consequently, she appointed Shi Fen’s eldest son, Shi Jian, as the Chamberlain and his younger son, Shi Qing, as the Minister of Interior. Shi Jian sat by the Emperor’s side and was known for his straightforwardness. Behind the scene, he spoke his mind soberly with no reservation.  During court sessions, he appeared as if he couldn’t speak. The Emperor highly favored him for this reason.

    Shi Qing had previously served as the Grand Coachman, responsible for driving the imperial carriage. Once, when the Emperor asked how many horses were in the carriage, Shi Qing counted them all with his riding crop. Then he raised his hand, “Six horses,” indicating the count with his fingers. Among all the children of Shi Fen, Shi Qing was the most carefree and yet remained respectful.

  • Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance(Part 133): Dual Selection And State Ideology

    Comprehensive Reflections to Aid in Governance

    By Sima Guang

    Translated By Yiming Yang  

    Annals of Han Book 9 Scroll 17

    Duration of 7 years

    Dong Zhongshu, National Palace Museum

    The 1st year of the Emperor Wu’s Jianyuan Era (140 B.C.)

    In October of Winter, an edict was issued to select virtuous and upright individuals who fearlessly offered candid and sincere remonstrations. The Emperor personally engaged them in discussions, inquiring about the principles of governance throughout history and the present. More than a hundred individuals responded.

    Dong Zhongshu of Guangchuan was one of those answered the call, who wrote:

    “The Way (Dao) refers to the path that leads to effective governance. Benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and music are all essential components of this path. Therefore, even after a wise ruler has passed away, their descendants can maintain long-lasting peace and stability for hundreds of years. This is achieved through the influence of rituals, music, and moral education. Among rulers, no one doesn’t desire to maintain security and stability, yet numerous states stumble to ruin each day. This is because they fail to appoint the right individuals and adhere to the proper Way (Dao).

    “The decline of the Zhou dynasty’s government during the times of King You and King Li of Zhou was not due to expiry of the Way, but rather because those rulers did not follow the correct path. It wasn’t until King Xuan of Zhou‘s reign that the legacy of the virtuous earlier kings was appreciated, old practices were revitalized and current deficiency were remedied, and the accomplishments of Kings Wen and King Wu of Zhou were illuminated. Through diligent efforts and constant pursuit of virtuous deeds, the Way of Zhou was rekindled, indicating the unwavering commitment to practicing goodness day and night.

    “Confucius said, ‘It’s men that can promote the Way. Not the Way that promotes men.’ Therefore, the rise and fall of order and chaos depend on one’s own actions. If not by divine intervention, the ruler won’t lose its mandate. Only the misguided actions one takes result in the loss of control. Those who rule must rectify their hearts to rectify the court, rectify the court to rectify the officials, rectify the officials to rectify the people, and rectify the people to rectify the four corners of the realm. When the four corners are in harmony, none will dare to deviate from rectitude, and there will be no room for sinister forces to disrupt. This balance between Yin and Yang will bring harmony to the seasons, and the winds and rains will come in their proper time. All living beings will thrive in unison, and the blessings of life will flourish. Everything auspicious will come to fruition, and the path of benevolent rule will reach its fulfillment.

    “Confucius said, ‘When the phoenix does not come, and the Yellow River does not yield a map carried by a dragon horse; I am finished.’ He lamented his inability to bring about these auspicious signs despite his aspirations, given his lowly status. Now, Your Majesty is honored as the Son of Heaven, possessing the wealth of the Four Seas. You occupy the position to bring about such auguries, with the power and wherewithal to make it happen. Your character is noble, your benevolence is profound, you are bright and good-hearted, and you care for the people and respect for scholars. You can be called a wise ruler. However, why haven’t the signs of beauty and blessings from heaven and earth manifested? It is because education and moral cultivation have not been established, and hence the people have not been on the right Way.

    “The behavior of the people follows profit like water flowing downwards. Without the dams of education and levies of moral cultivation, it cannot be guided. The ancient kings understood this well. Therefore, they faced south and governed the world, all prioritizing education and moral cultivation. They established grand academies to educate the nation and set up local schools to refine their communities. They gradually nurtured the people’s benevolence, fostered harmony among them, and regulated their conduct through rituals. As a result, their punishments were light, and transgressions were rare because education and moral cultivation prevailed, and customs were refined.

    “In times of turmoil, the wise rulers eradicated the remnants of chaos, restored education and moral cultivation, and elevated it to a higher level. Once education was established and customs were formed, the succeeding generations followed, and this virtuous cycle could last for five to six hundred years before decline sets in. Qin extinguished the path of the ancient sages, governing with expedience, and its regime lasted for only fourteen years before collapsing. Its lingering negative influence remains to this day.  The prevalent customs are shallow and immoral, people are obstinate and vehemently resist education, leading to a decadent state where governance is beyond repair.

    “Allow me to use an analogy, if a musical instrument is out of tune, sometimes the strings must be replaced before it can be played. Similarly, if governance is not effective, changes must be made before it can be managed effectively. Since the Han Dynasty came to power, the desire to govern well has persisted, yet good governance remains elusive. This is due to the failure to implement necessary reforms when changes are necessary.

    “I’ve heard that the governance of a virtuous ruler encompasses nurturing education in the youth and developing capability on the job in adulthood. They grant titles and rewards to cultivate their virtues and impose punishments to deter their vices. This way, the people become familiar with propriety and righteousness and refrain from offending their superiors.

    King Wu of Zhou undertook great endeavors to pacify turmoil and the Duke of Zhou established rituals and music to garnish the governance. As a result, during the heights of King Cheng of Zhou and King Kang of Zhou, the state prisons remained empty for over forty years. This demonstrates the gradual influence of education and the propagation of benevolence and righteousness. It’s not merely superficial cosmetics.

    “However, during the Qin Dynasty, it was different. They followed the harsh laws of Shen Buhai and Shang Yang, endorsed the philosophy of Han Fei, despised the ways of previous emperors, and allowed wolf-like avarice and cruelty to become the norm. They prosecuted people based on their reputation rather than considering their deeds. Those striving for good were not necessarily spared of mistakes, and those bent for evil were not necessarily punished. This led to officials disguising their true intentions, outwardly respecting the emperor while harboring hidden agendas. Deception and shamelessness became common, leading to numerous criminal prosecutions and death sentences all over the place, but treacherous behavior persisted due to the deterioration of traditions and morality.

    “Now that Your Majesty possesses the entire realm, and all submit to your rule, if the benefits are not felt by the common people, it seems that Your Majesty has yet to pay enough attention to this aspect. As the book of Zengzi(Master Zeng) said, ‘Respecting what one has learned leads to wisdom and clarity; acting upon what one knows brings greatness and radiance. Wisdom and greatness do not lie in anything else, but in the intention and effort one applies.’  I implore Your Majesty to take what you’ve heard and sincerely implement it within the court and practise it in your actions. Then, how different would you be from the Three Sage Kings(Yu the Great, King Tang of Shang, King Wen and King Wu of Zhou)?

    “Indeed, if one does not cultivate scholars but seeks out the talented, it’s like desiring jewelry without cutting and polishing gems. The grandest form of nurturing scholars is none other than establishing a Grand Academy. The Grand Academy is the key to nurturing talents, the foundation of education and cultivation. Nowadays when soliciting the worthy from a commandery or a principality, the fact that no one meets the standard signifies that the Way of sage kings has often been fading into extinction.

    “I implore Your Majesty to establish a Grand Academy, appoint distinguished teachers, and nurture scholars from all corners of the realm. Through rigorous assessments, then talents can be fully utilized and demonstrated. This would be a means to identify and recruit the outstanding and the capable. Today’s commandery prefect and county magistrates are leaders and teachers of the people. They carry out your instructions and propagate the principles of education and cultivation. If these leaders are not virtuous, then the noble virtues won’t be spread, and your benevolence and favor won’t be extended.

    “At present, some officials have failed in teaching and instruction to the lower strata, and they may not even follow the laws and policies from above. They oppress the commoners, engage in corrupt practices with tricksters to make personal gain, and the poor, helpless, and mistreated suffer grievously due to officials’ neglect of duty. This situation doesn’t align with Your Majesty’s intentions. Hence, imbalances in Yin and Yang occur, disturbances in the natural order are abundant, the want and wellbeing of the multitude is not being taken care of. All of these stem from the unqualified local officials to understand their responsibilities, which has led to this sad state of affairs.

    “Many high-ranking officials are often chosen from the sons and relatives of officials holding high positions like court guards, palace gentlemen and provincial officials whose stipends are above 2000 picul of grain.  Those officers in charge of selection are swayed by the candidates’ wealth rather than their qualifications. 

    “In ancient times, ‘merit’ was defined by the ability to perform one’s official duties effectively, not by the duration of their service. Individuals with limited abilities would remain in his low positions, whereas a talent could become capable assistants of the court even with limited time on the job. Therefore, all the officials worked hard to strive for accomplishments. However, today’s situation is different. Officials stay over time to acquire seniority, accumulate years of service to get promotion. Consequently, ethical standards are eroded, and individuals of varying competence are thrust into a pool of appointees, it is difficult to test the genuine qualifications, distinguishing the worthy from the worthless.

    “I humbly suggest that the various marquesses, commandery prefects, and officials of 2000 picul salary each select two talented individuals from among their subjects every year to serve as palace attendants. This practice will allow the court to observe the abilities of these individuals and reward those sponsors who contribute excellent candidates, while those who recommend the unworthy may be punished.

    “By implementing such a system, all officials of high ranking will be motivated to seek out and promote talented individuals, ensuring that the best and brightest of the realm are appointed to government positions. If we can identify and employ talented individuals from across the nation, our empire will thrive, and we can aspire to achieve the glory of the Three Sovereigns (the legendary emperors of the ancient), reaching the fame of Emperor Yao and Shun (two virtuous ancient emperors). We should not promote individuals based solely on the time occupying a position but genuinely evaluate their competence. By assessing their abilities, measuring their qualifications, and considering their virtues, the career paths would differ for the upright and the tarnished, differentiating the worthy from the unbecoming.

    “I have heard that many small actions accumulate into something great, and that from the obscure, greatness can emerge. Therefore, wise individuals always strive to transition from obscurity to prominence, from the insignificant to the noteworthy. This is why Emperor Yao emerged from among the many feudal lords, and Emperor Shun rose from the depths of the mountains. Their greatness did not happen overnight; rather, it was achieved gradually.

    “Words spoken cannot be silenced, and actions taken cannot be concealed. The words and deeds of a leader are of utmost importance and have the power to move heaven and earth. Therefore, by performing well in small tasks, the great cause can be achieved, and by being meticulous about the subtle details, one can become distinguished.  Accumulating goodness within oneself is like the growth of body length, where increments are made daily without others noticing. Conversely, accumulating evil within oneself is like the gradual consumption of oil by fire, which may not be visible at first but leads to extinction. This is why the names of Emperor Yao and Shun are commemorated with awe, while Xia Jie and King Zhou of Shang are causes for remorse and trepidation.

    “The practice which brings joy without causing disorder, and repeats the good deed without negligence, is known as the Way. The Way endures for all generations, while its loss results in decadence. The Way of the ancient sage-kings had invariably been carried out erroneously and required rectification. Therefore, in governance, there might be shortcomings that needed correction to restore the Way. The Way of the Three Sage-Kings had different foundations, not opposing each other but rather in need of rectifying excesses and bolstering weaknesses in the face of changing circumstances.

    “Confucius, therefore, said, ‘Those who govern well by doing less, is it not Emperor Shun?’ Emperor Shun, for instance, merely changed the calendar and adjusted clothing colors to align with the mandate of Heaven. As for the rest, he adhered faithfully to the Way of Emperor Yao. Why should there be further changes? Thus, the term “changing institutions” for a king signifies adaptation, not altering the fundamental Way. Xia dynasty esteemed loyalty, Yin(Shang) dynasty valued respect, and Zhou dynasty revered rituals. These are the new emphases to address what needs correction.

    “Confucius said, ‘The Yin(Shang) took over the rites of Xia; with discernment, their modifications may be traced. The Zhou inherited the rites of Yin(Shang); with discernment, their refinements may be traced. As for those who came after Zhou, their course may be known even after a hundred generations.’ Thus is revealed: the practices of all the kings are rooted in the three dynasties—Xia, Yin(Shang), and Zhou.

    Xia inherited from Yu(Emperor Yao), and though the records speak not of its alterations and embellishments, its Way was one and the same. The great origin of the Way lies in Heaven. Since Heaven is unchanging, the Way is likewise immutable. Therefore, when Yu (the Great) succeeded Shun, and Shun succeeded Yao, these three sages handed down the mandate, preserving a single and constant Way.

    “This was governance without error, and so Confucius spoke not of reforms or innovations. Hence it may be seen: in times of good governance, successors hold fast to the Way; in times of misrule, they must depart from it and alter their course.

    “Now, after the great chaos, it would be appropriate for the Han dynasty to slightly diminish Zhou‘s emphasis on rites and highlight Xia‘s loyalty. The world of ancient times is the same as the present world; it’s all one world. By using the ancient as a reference for the present, how could there be such a vast difference? Is there something missing from the ways of the ancients, or is there something contrary to the principles of heaven?

    “Indeed, there are things that heaven has allotted for us: for those who have horns, it takes away their hooves; for those who have wings, it doubles their feet. This means that what is given in abundance cannot be used for trivial things. Similarly, in ancient times, those who received high positions and salary would no longer earn their living by labor, nor did they partake in superficial trades. This aligns with the heavenly principle that those who receive great blessings should not seek smaller gains.

    “Those who have already received great blessings, yet continue to pursue petty gain—neither Heaven nor man can satisfy their greed. This is the root of the people’s resentment. They bask in imperial favor, hold lofty office, their households secure, their stipends generous. Yet with wealth and power in hand, they descend to compete with the common folk for profit. Who among the people could contend with them? Thus the people are driven from poverty into destitution. When the rich grow extravagant, the poor fall into ruin. When the multitude despair and see no path to livelihood, how can crimes not arise?

    “Hence punishments multiply, yet wickedness is not curbed.

    “Those who serve near the Son of Heaven are the example for the realm. The near observe their conduct, the far emulate their customs. How can they dwell in noble stations and act like commoners? To chase wealth with fear of want is the way of the vulgar; to strive for virtue with fear of failing the people is the heart of the Grandee. As the Book of Changes says: “He who carries a baggage yet rides in a carriage—this draws forth the bandit.” To ride in a carriage is the rank of the noble; to carry a baggage is the toil of the lowly. The meaning is plain: to dwell in a noble post and act as a commoner invites calamity.

    “He who holds high office must uphold dignity, cleave to the rites, and abstain from petty trades. There was no better way than what the Prime Minister of Lu, Gongyi Xiu did, who forbade his kin to weave or till for profit because they lived on state salary.

    “The Spring and Autumn Annals speak of a Great Principle, enduring as Heaven and Earth, constant from antiquity to the present. But now, a hundred schools contend, myriad teachings diverge, their interpretations scattered. The Great Principle is lost; laws shift with time; the people are confused and know not what to follow.

    “In my humble judgment, teachings not rooted in the Six Classics or the methods of the Sage should be proscribed. Let them not multiply and endure alongside the orthodox Way. Then may heterodoxy wither, and true learning stand alone. Only thus can the laws be clarified, and the people come to know the path they must walk.”

    The Emperor appreciated the wise counsel of Dong Zhongshu and appointed him as the Prime Minister of the Jiangdu Principality.